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"description": "Daily Maverick is an independent online news publication and weekly print newspaper in South Africa.\r\n\r\nIt is known for breaking some of the defining stories of South Africa in the past decade, including the Marikana Massacre, in which the South African Police Service killed 34 miners in August 2012.\r\n\r\nIt also investigated the Gupta Leaks, which won the 2019 Global Shining Light Award.\r\n\r\nThat investigation was credited with exposing the Indian-born Gupta family and former President Jacob Zuma for their role in the systemic political corruption referred to as state capture.\r\n\r\nIn 2018, co-founder and editor-in-chief Branislav ‘Branko’ Brkic was awarded the country’s prestigious Nat Nakasa Award, recognised for initiating the investigative collaboration after receiving the hard drive that included the email tranche.\r\n\r\nIn 2021, co-founder and CEO Styli Charalambous also received the award.\r\n\r\nDaily Maverick covers the latest political and news developments in South Africa with breaking news updates, analysis, opinions and more.",
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"contents": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is hard to comprehend how much the world has changed in the last few years … and how much it has stayed the same. Covid-19, the ballooning climate emergency and now the war in Europe, all coming on top of unprecedented levels of inequality, are a challenge to social justice activists to rethink. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Faced with such existential threats, some in civil society are already expressing feelings of impotence, and even despair. To overcome this, some activists are arguing that civil society must begin to question not just its methods, but its ways of living, thinking and understanding the world in which we now live.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In this context, two recent mini-conferences threw up profound questions that civil society should take on board.</span>\r\n\r\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-1195012 size-large\" src=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/MC-Civil-society-crossroads_4.jpg?w=720\" alt=\"\" width=\"720\" height=\"403\" /> A seminar reflected on the 50th anniversary of South African philosopher-activist Rick Turner's book The Eye of the Needle. Turner was assassinated in 1978. (Picture Jann Turner)</p>\r\n\r\n<b>Learning from Rick Turner</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The first was a seminar jointly organised by Wits University </span><a href=\"https://www.wits.ac.za/scis/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Southern Centre for Inequality Studies</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (SCIS) and </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maverick Citizen</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to reflect on the 50th anniversary of The Eye of the Needle by Rick Turner, the philosopher-activist assassinated by the apartheid state on 8 January, 1978. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The webinar (</span><a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sVAguYpqotY\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">view on YouTube here</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">) was titled Utopian Thinking, Revisiting the Ideas of Rick Turner in the Current Political Context. It was an unusual meeting: drawing together a large and unique (these days) mix of activists from across ages, races, genders and geography. Leaders from the </span><a href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FeesMustFall\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">#FeesMustFall</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> movement interacted with veteran activists whose work had supported the emergence of South Africa’s powerful trade union movement in the early 1970s. The powerful voice of Foszia Turner-Stylianou, Turner’s comrade and wife, challenged us to remedy the falsehood that South Africa’s struggle has been led mainly by men (read her thoughts </span><a href=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-03-02-my-personal-reflections-about-writing-the-eye-of-the-needle/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">here</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">). </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The interactions between speakers were too brief, but hinted at the potential benefits of a longer conversation between (then young) activists from the early 1970s, who were confronted with what seemed at that time the unbreakable wall of apartheid and racism, and contemporary (still young) activists struggling against modern-day inequalities in education and employment.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The seminar was rich, multi-layered and moving, but at its heart lay a reconsideration of Rick Turner’s methods of analysing political issues and the efforts at organisation-building that followed upon his ideas. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All speakers agreed that Turner, together with his friend and comrade Steve Biko, had played a crucial catalytic role in the early 1970s. Together they helped crystallise what became an unstoppable and undefeatable revival of political organisation, first by trade unions who organised the Durban strikes in 1973, and then by young people in 1976. Both movements were based on growing political understandings of race, class and power. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Had Biko and Turner not been murdered, the liberation struggle and possibly even our democracy might have followed a different course. But such was their rising influence that both were assassinated within six months of each other by the security police.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To date, Turner’s murder remains unsolved.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Academic </span><a href=\"https://sobeds.ukzn.ac.za/staff-profile/emeritus-professors/gerhard-mare/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gerhard Maré</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> from the University of KwaZulu Natal’s School of the Built Environment and Development Studies, who was a collaborator with Turner in the early 1970s, presented the keynote speech on the theme of utopian thinking. Maré summed up Turner’s “two reasons for engaging in utopian thinking” as being the need:</span>\r\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“to explore, and, if necessary, to attack, all the implicit assumptions about how to behave towards other people that underlie our daily actions in all spheres.”</span></p>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And Turner’s conviction that:</span>\r\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Unless we can see our society in the light of other possible societies, we cannot even understand how and why it works as it does, let alone judge it.”</span></p>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maré stressed that for Turner “utopian thinking was not idealistic, not pie in the sky, not avoidance, not unrealisable” but “a method located in radically imaginative thinking to shake ‘common sense’, to remain open to and act towards other possibilities”. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“From this radical imagination of utopia, [a person] is challenged to step back and return to what is being presented as the ‘common sense’ of the everyday world.” </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maré developed this argument by explaining that “utopian thinking recognizes that ‘the way things are’ is itself a contingent status quo that requires active participation by people to maintain practised ways of thinking and behaving for its maintenance.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But, Maré argued, it is also about the methods and objectives of activist practice because “if humans built this history, humans can change it … with a utopian conception of a goal, methods are formulated, obstacles are identified, primary agents are noted, to reconstruct socially constructed society. To make the supposedly impossible become possible”.</span>\r\n\r\n<b>Activists asked to live their politics</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Albeit unrelated to each other, the need to reimagine activism also emerged as a theme in a civic educational lecture series on Democracy and Constitutionalism, held by </span><a href=\"https://section27.org.za/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SECTION27</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and the </span><a href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CASACZA/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That conference opened on Monday (</span><a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tBm8JD0FHnk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">view on YouTube here</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">) with a </span><a href=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-03-01-the-challenges-are-formidable-but-we-have-the-constitution-and-collective-will-to-transform-our-society/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">keynote speech by Justice Jody Kollapen</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, South Africa’s most recently minted Constitutional Court judge.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As might be expected, Justice Kollapen, whose human rights activism </span><a href=\"https://www.news24.com/news24/analysis/saturday-profile-concourt-judge-kollapen-it-cant-be-open-season-on-the-judiciary-20220114\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">traces back to his youth growing up in Marabastad in the 1970s</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, affirmed the power of the Constitution. But Kollapen also said that he understood its increasingly tenuous hold over poor people in a country still bitterly divided by racism and inequality. He called the Constitution “</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">an illusion far on the horizon</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> … </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And yet, the very future of our country depends on how this constitutional pact is honoured for all South Africans.</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In answer to his own question on ‘how to address massive inequalities in a country with limited resources’, Kollapen said: </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I guess you have a conversation between those who have the resources and those who do not. And in this regard it is </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">us</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> – those of us who are at this conference, who have been able to flourish in this democracy and who have benefitted from the political and economic order that preceded 1994.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Justice Kollapen worried that fundamental rights have been “commodified”, noting that “those who can afford rights, buy them” and this results in “</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">two parallel systems that deliver common public goods, delivering qualitatively vastly different outcomes”. </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Kollapen asked how, in a country where privileged people can buy the best health, education, legal services and private security available, “does this all relate to the notion of all being equal before the law?” Then, departing slightly from his written text, he issued a challenge to activists to begin to think and act differently. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He lamented that “while we bemoan inequality, I’m not sure if we have done enough thinking as to how we address it. The state can do something, but their ability is limited…” </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then he reflected on the reality that, “in this massively unequal society there are those of us – and I include myself in that category – who have the resources, often resources that we don’t need, often resources that are in abundance; and there are others that don’t. There are those of us who earn much more than others – and you can justify it on the basis that we’ve had more training – but at the end of the month, we all go to the same place to buy our food, to buy our bread and milk.” </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Unintentionally riffing with themes that days before had been central in the Turner seminar, Kollapen asked, “How can one begin to address the inequalities when we have stopped looking at ourselves, and call ourselves fighters for human rights, but we perpetuate the inequalities that exist? </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We have to make really radical changes in order to address these inequalities,” he said.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Kollapen finished by telling the audience that “one day our children and grandchildren will be entitled to ask of us – like we do now about apartheid – ‘how was it possible for inequality to have survived for so long, particularly when you held in your hand a Constitution that was acclaimed as one of the best in the world, a Constitution that advanced the idea of an egalitarian society, and a Constitution that promised everybody a better life for all?’ And I’m not sure what our answer will be….” </span><b>DM/MC</b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> </span>",
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"description": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is hard to comprehend how much the world has changed in the last few years … and how much it has stayed the same. Covid-19, the ballooning climate emergency and now the war in Europe, all coming on top of unprecedented levels of inequality, are a challenge to social justice activists to rethink. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Faced with such existential threats, some in civil society are already expressing feelings of impotence, and even despair. To overcome this, some activists are arguing that civil society must begin to question not just its methods, but its ways of living, thinking and understanding the world in which we now live.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In this context, two recent mini-conferences threw up profound questions that civil society should take on board.</span>\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1195012\" align=\"alignnone\" width=\"720\"]<img class=\"wp-image-1195012 size-large\" src=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/MC-Civil-society-crossroads_4.jpg?w=720\" alt=\"\" width=\"720\" height=\"403\" /> A seminar reflected on the 50th anniversary of South African philosopher-activist Rick Turner's book The Eye of the Needle. Turner was assassinated in 1978. (Picture Jann Turner)[/caption]\r\n\r\n<b>Learning from Rick Turner</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The first was a seminar jointly organised by Wits University </span><a href=\"https://www.wits.ac.za/scis/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Southern Centre for Inequality Studies</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (SCIS) and </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maverick Citizen</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to reflect on the 50th anniversary of The Eye of the Needle by Rick Turner, the philosopher-activist assassinated by the apartheid state on 8 January, 1978. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The webinar (</span><a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sVAguYpqotY\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">view on YouTube here</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">) was titled Utopian Thinking, Revisiting the Ideas of Rick Turner in the Current Political Context. It was an unusual meeting: drawing together a large and unique (these days) mix of activists from across ages, races, genders and geography. Leaders from the </span><a href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FeesMustFall\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">#FeesMustFall</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> movement interacted with veteran activists whose work had supported the emergence of South Africa’s powerful trade union movement in the early 1970s. The powerful voice of Foszia Turner-Stylianou, Turner’s comrade and wife, challenged us to remedy the falsehood that South Africa’s struggle has been led mainly by men (read her thoughts </span><a href=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-03-02-my-personal-reflections-about-writing-the-eye-of-the-needle/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">here</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">). </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The interactions between speakers were too brief, but hinted at the potential benefits of a longer conversation between (then young) activists from the early 1970s, who were confronted with what seemed at that time the unbreakable wall of apartheid and racism, and contemporary (still young) activists struggling against modern-day inequalities in education and employment.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The seminar was rich, multi-layered and moving, but at its heart lay a reconsideration of Rick Turner’s methods of analysing political issues and the efforts at organisation-building that followed upon his ideas. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All speakers agreed that Turner, together with his friend and comrade Steve Biko, had played a crucial catalytic role in the early 1970s. Together they helped crystallise what became an unstoppable and undefeatable revival of political organisation, first by trade unions who organised the Durban strikes in 1973, and then by young people in 1976. Both movements were based on growing political understandings of race, class and power. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Had Biko and Turner not been murdered, the liberation struggle and possibly even our democracy might have followed a different course. But such was their rising influence that both were assassinated within six months of each other by the security police.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To date, Turner’s murder remains unsolved.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Academic </span><a href=\"https://sobeds.ukzn.ac.za/staff-profile/emeritus-professors/gerhard-mare/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gerhard Maré</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> from the University of KwaZulu Natal’s School of the Built Environment and Development Studies, who was a collaborator with Turner in the early 1970s, presented the keynote speech on the theme of utopian thinking. Maré summed up Turner’s “two reasons for engaging in utopian thinking” as being the need:</span>\r\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“to explore, and, if necessary, to attack, all the implicit assumptions about how to behave towards other people that underlie our daily actions in all spheres.”</span></p>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And Turner’s conviction that:</span>\r\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Unless we can see our society in the light of other possible societies, we cannot even understand how and why it works as it does, let alone judge it.”</span></p>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maré stressed that for Turner “utopian thinking was not idealistic, not pie in the sky, not avoidance, not unrealisable” but “a method located in radically imaginative thinking to shake ‘common sense’, to remain open to and act towards other possibilities”. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“From this radical imagination of utopia, [a person] is challenged to step back and return to what is being presented as the ‘common sense’ of the everyday world.” </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maré developed this argument by explaining that “utopian thinking recognizes that ‘the way things are’ is itself a contingent status quo that requires active participation by people to maintain practised ways of thinking and behaving for its maintenance.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But, Maré argued, it is also about the methods and objectives of activist practice because “if humans built this history, humans can change it … with a utopian conception of a goal, methods are formulated, obstacles are identified, primary agents are noted, to reconstruct socially constructed society. To make the supposedly impossible become possible”.</span>\r\n\r\n<b>Activists asked to live their politics</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Albeit unrelated to each other, the need to reimagine activism also emerged as a theme in a civic educational lecture series on Democracy and Constitutionalism, held by </span><a href=\"https://section27.org.za/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SECTION27</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and the </span><a href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CASACZA/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That conference opened on Monday (</span><a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tBm8JD0FHnk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">view on YouTube here</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">) with a </span><a href=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-03-01-the-challenges-are-formidable-but-we-have-the-constitution-and-collective-will-to-transform-our-society/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">keynote speech by Justice Jody Kollapen</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, South Africa’s most recently minted Constitutional Court judge.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As might be expected, Justice Kollapen, whose human rights activism </span><a href=\"https://www.news24.com/news24/analysis/saturday-profile-concourt-judge-kollapen-it-cant-be-open-season-on-the-judiciary-20220114\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">traces back to his youth growing up in Marabastad in the 1970s</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, affirmed the power of the Constitution. But Kollapen also said that he understood its increasingly tenuous hold over poor people in a country still bitterly divided by racism and inequality. He called the Constitution “</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">an illusion far on the horizon</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> … </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And yet, the very future of our country depends on how this constitutional pact is honoured for all South Africans.</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In answer to his own question on ‘how to address massive inequalities in a country with limited resources’, Kollapen said: </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I guess you have a conversation between those who have the resources and those who do not. And in this regard it is </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">us</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> – those of us who are at this conference, who have been able to flourish in this democracy and who have benefitted from the political and economic order that preceded 1994.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Justice Kollapen worried that fundamental rights have been “commodified”, noting that “those who can afford rights, buy them” and this results in “</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">two parallel systems that deliver common public goods, delivering qualitatively vastly different outcomes”. </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Kollapen asked how, in a country where privileged people can buy the best health, education, legal services and private security available, “does this all relate to the notion of all being equal before the law?” Then, departing slightly from his written text, he issued a challenge to activists to begin to think and act differently. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He lamented that “while we bemoan inequality, I’m not sure if we have done enough thinking as to how we address it. The state can do something, but their ability is limited…” </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Then he reflected on the reality that, “in this massively unequal society there are those of us – and I include myself in that category – who have the resources, often resources that we don’t need, often resources that are in abundance; and there are others that don’t. There are those of us who earn much more than others – and you can justify it on the basis that we’ve had more training – but at the end of the month, we all go to the same place to buy our food, to buy our bread and milk.” </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Unintentionally riffing with themes that days before had been central in the Turner seminar, Kollapen asked, “How can one begin to address the inequalities when we have stopped looking at ourselves, and call ourselves fighters for human rights, but we perpetuate the inequalities that exist? </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We have to make really radical changes in order to address these inequalities,” he said.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Kollapen finished by telling the audience that “one day our children and grandchildren will be entitled to ask of us – like we do now about apartheid – ‘how was it possible for inequality to have survived for so long, particularly when you held in your hand a Constitution that was acclaimed as one of the best in the world, a Constitution that advanced the idea of an egalitarian society, and a Constitution that promised everybody a better life for all?’ And I’m not sure what our answer will be….” </span><b>DM/MC</b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> </span>",
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"summary": "In a seminar this week, Constitutional Court Judge Jody Kollapen recalled how during the apartheid struggles, 'the vibrancy of the organisations of civil society took centre stage: they guided, they strategised, they led with integrity and were worthy of being followed. Workers, teachers, lawyers, parents, religious communities, trade unions and many other interest groups formed a resilient common front and gloriously took millions along with them.' Kollapen’s speech, together with a webinar revisiting Richard Turner’s writings, should be a constructive challenge to social justice activists to rethink the way they live and organise.\r\n",
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