ANC Policy Conference 2017: Tinkering with the party's engine while the country’s wheels are coming off

Fikile Mbalula’s analogy that the ANC policy conference discussions on organisational renewal are like a car service – “The intention is to oil the ANC so it operates its engines and other components optimally” – sounds good. But it fails to acknowledge the engine is actually blown.

And yet tackling the engine replacement is crucial. A mere tinkering cannot fix that, particularly when the tools at hand are democracy based on majorities, observing of rules without a thought to their intent or spirit, and closing ranks.

Nowhere does this play out more visibly than over the vote of no confidence in President Jacob Zuma in Parliament, now scheduled for August 8. The party line is clear: vote to defeat the opposition motion because the governing party will not let others impose on it. This was discussed and decided at the most recent ANC National Executive Committee (NEC), repeated in the wake of last month’s Constitutional Court judgment telling National Assembly Speaker Baleka Mbete, who is also ANC national chairperson, she must determine whether there would be a secret ballot in the no confidence motion in the president and, now, at the ANC policy gathering.

“There is no way the ANC can vote with the DA,” said Mbalula, describing ANC MPs contemplating to vote with their conscience as “suicide bombers”, destroying their party membership the day they take that decision. “We are a party, a structure. We are not a beer hall,” said Mbalula, as the decision on that vote had already been taken. “There could be people who will not vote (according to ANC line). We are going to deal with it, rest assured, according to the constitution of the ANC.”

It’s that simple: when under attack, the ANC closes ranks under the banner of unity – and relies on the numbers it has to carry the day. And against this, much of the talk of organisational renewal to tackle challenges like declining public trust, waning election fortunes and perceptions of inherent corruption is like putting up an air-freshener and changing the oil and filters of a car with a broken engine.

The Constitutional Court’s wide-ranging exposition of MPs’ duty to the Constitution – “Nowhere does the supreme law provide for them to swear allegiance to their political parties, important players though they are in our constitutional scheme” – is dealt with simply: MPs are in the parliamentary benches because of their party.

Or, as Mbalula put it on Sunday: “MPs are sworn in constitutionally. They owe their allegiance to the party.” Asked whether the ANC put itself before South Africa, the response was: “We are for the country, but we equally have self interest.”

His comments come against the backdrop of the diagnostics report presented on Friday. It makes a brutal finding on declining public trust in the ANC and its waning election support seen in the loss of key metros of Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay. The ANC’s own pre-2016 municipal poll research included as factors, “influencing the mood of voters, also creating doubt about our ability to govern”, the sacking of former finance minister Nhlanhla Nene in December 2015, the March 2016 Nkandla Constitutional Court ruling finding the president and National Assembly had acted inconsistently with the Constitution for not implementing the public protector’s remedial action over repayments for security upgrades at Zuma’s rural homestead, the Vuwani demarcation protests, and “challenges” at the public broadcaster, the SABC, and the national airline, SAA.

And the Gupta family – its role and that of its business associates are emerging in #GuptaLeaks tracing a web of influence, transactions and dealings with politicians, state-owned entities and government officials and others – pops up in the diagnostics report section on perceptions of the ANC as inherently corrupt.

Mbalula presented on organisational renewal to policy conference and also identified, among other things, institutionalised factionalism, sins of incumbency, slate politics and using state institutions to settle party-political differences and wedge drivers.

But while the ANC was definitely anti-monopoly capitalism, the Guptas were not a monopoly, he said – twice. That’s part of the misperceptions created out there. Still, state capture and “monopoly capital of any form and shape” is being discussed at the policy conference.

There are concrete proposals to ensure the ANC car is serviced.

This includes making the integrity commission an institutional structure “with teeth to bite” – it is understood the 2012 Mangaung ANC national conference which established the commission was advised of troubles ahead if it were not a party constitutional structure – and ensuring 65% of the ANC NEC are also Cabinet members, with the others representing civil society and business and other sectors to ensure “a mix of cadres” to intervene in any challenges. At the 2007 Polokwane national conference the ANC NEC was expanded from 60 to over 80 also on the argument of greater representivity and effectiveness.

The ANC also wants to amend the 2004 Powers, Privileges and Immunities of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act “to regulate private sector lobbyists be they promoting a certain individual for office or for regulations, laws or policies of state”.

The proposal comes after Zuma in his Friday opening political overview raised the matter of lobbying by vested interests to “derail” transformational policies. The proposal looks like action to deal with factionalism, vote buying and clandestine lobbying to ensure certain outcomes the ANC has identified as challenges in need of solutions.

It’s not clear why such an amendment would be needed as Section 8 of the Act already bans any person through “fraud, intimidation, force, insult or threat of any kind, or by the offer or promise of any inducement or benefit of any kind, or by any other improper means” might influence a parliamentarian on “anything pending before or proposed or expected to be submitted to Parliament, or a House, or committee”. It also bans parliamentarians from asking, or receiving “any fee, compensation, gift, reward, favour or benefit” with respect to “voting in a particular manner”, “promoting or opposing anything” before or expected to come before Parliament.

Also on the parliamentary front, Mbalula outlined a proposal for its parliamentary caucus to “find expression in the constitution of the ANC”. Again, it remains unclear what this would entail. However, Baleka Mbete told Daily Maverick such a move would be welcomed. “We are improving our ability to co-ordinate, our ability to co-ordination,” she said on the sidelines of the policy conference. “We will serve ourselves better…”

According to Section 55 of the Constitution, Parliament must hold the executive to account and oversee executive action. In recent months, several parliamentary committees have found their voice to raise concerns on, for example, the controversy over Brian Molefe’s departure and return and renewed departure as Eskom chief executive, the R1.5-billion financial debacle in the Water and Sanitation Department, and close scrutiny of shenanigans at SAA. This has come in the wake of the parliamentary inquiry into the SABC, which has cleared the way for the interim board to start a clean-up of both financial and governance turmoil.

This organisational renewal and redesign proposal on the ANC parliamentary caucus also comes after Zuma’s comments on Friday that Parliament was the politics of spectacle, grand-standing and “the growing attempt to draw a wedge between the executive and the parliamentary caucus of the governing party”.

While the exact formulation of this proposal remains to be seen, Mbalula presented it in the context of confirming the ANC as the leader of society and state. At least this self-proclaimed role is not up for discussion at the policy conference marching on the road to unity. DM

Photo: African National Congress (ANC) president and President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma(L), smiles with Depuy President Cyril Ramaphosa (R) at the opening of the five-day ANC policy Conference, in Johannesburg, South Africa, 30 June 2017. EPA/STR