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"contents": "<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">First published in the </span></i><b><i>Daily Maverick 168 </i></b><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">weekly newspaper.</span></i>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the wake of days of rioting and fear, Busi Mavuso agreed to a frank-talking interview last week to explore more about her past, but also to answer questions on her role as a black woman in a white man’s business world.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mavuso is a fairly familiar face in the media. She’s articulate, informed and occasionally outspoken. Although she is now in the top corporate echelons as the CEO of Business Leadership South Africa (BLSA), she still has the manner of an activist. So we begin our conversation with what she thinks are her formative influences, starting with her mother.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mavuso grew up in White City, Jabavu, in Soweto. She was a child, then a schoolgirl, in one of the epicentres of the anti-apartheid struggle during the last 16 tumultuous years that took us to freedom in 1994.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Her mother, Veronica Khosi Mavuso, was a teacher who had been widowed at a young age. On a teacher’s low salary, Veronica was the breadwinner for her four children.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Despite the odds, Mavuso, a bright child, completed her matric at Lofentse Girls High School in Orlando East “with flying colours at the tender age of 16. But because of the family’s financial constraints I had to immediately find a job.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Her aspiration was to be a chartered accountant (CA), which may explain why her first job was in banking. She had offers of places at university “and was very clear that I wanted to be a CA because I was good at maths”, but she had to work. So she studied through Unisa, a degree that took her nine years to complete.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I found the transition [to university] very difficult” because there was little support for students coming from an environment like mine, where no one had been to university before. When my mum died at the age of 62 in 2012, she was still trying to get an undergraduate degree. I had no point of reference. You sit with this burden of being the first.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Then, just as quickly, I find myself in a corporate culture but how do you assimilate, how do you navigate this corporate culture?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“My 14-year-old daughter doesn’t understand when I tell her that this was the first time I interacted with a computer! I was so scared to touch that damn thing. I was afraid, my mum was dependent on me – if I break this damn thing, these white people are going to fire me.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Later, she went on to start a postgraduate Certificate in the Theory of Accounting (CTA), “but I failed that dismally”. She says she hadn’t understood the need to do articles “somewhere in between” but, anyway, “I couldn’t afford to do that!”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Eventually, Mavuso qualified as a chartered accountant through distance learning with the Association of Certified Chartered Accountants in the UK.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“So, then I attained my childhood dream of being an accountant … 23 years after leaving school.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Although she now lives in the suburbs of Johannesburg, Mavuso’s family still live in Soweto.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She explains that what her experience taught her was that “the most gifted of us cannot escape the limitations our environment imposes on us, of where we come from”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is where the activist in me comes in… I have been given opportunities where many are so stuck, I’m still an outlier. How many who come from where I have come from have had the luck?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It doesn’t have to be like that”, she says firmly, but without rancour.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In this context, she describes her interest in “advancing the young black African women’s agenda and the broader women’s agenda”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We need a strong cohort of women. Tragically, most impoverished women inadvertently give birth to kids with greatly reduced opportunities, and let’s be clear I’m not just talking about material poverty…</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I’m talking about being denied access to thinking … initiative … knowledge … and, for millions of children, this reproduces cycles of poverty and inequality.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“As women we are often the primary caregivers… We do our best to raise … nurture…</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We groom and we conscientise! That’s why I believe in the empowerment of women. The vital role they play in shaping human beings. We need to make women less poor in this country.”</span>\r\n\r\n<b>Into the lion’s den</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 2009, Mavuso left banking to become part of the Black Management Forum (BMF), eventually rising to become its managing director. She resigned in 2018 to become the chief operating officer of Business Leadership South Africa, under her mentor, business high flyer and chancellor of the University of the Free State, Bonang Mohale.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“My nine years at the BMF cemented my belief that transformation is not a nice-to-have, but a must. We are naive to think we can sit with such high levels of inequality and still achieve stability.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As proof she refers to the recent riots and “anarchy” that in the days before we talked had shaken South Africa.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Domestic inequality, people’s helplessness is way too much and way too palpable.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There has to be a serious intervention that deals with the structural inequalities we have.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And this is where our conversation shifts gear! I want to know how, given her background, has she allowed herself to become the face of what many would call White Monopoly Capital? Isn’t there a contradiction? Shouldn’t a person with her beliefs and background be in government or civil society?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mavuso is unrepentant. She says she had “precisely that internal battle”, but knows what she’s doing.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She quotes a discussion she had with Mohale who told her “business needs us because business in South Africa needs to transform.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It will take our kind of thinking. In business, you are given an opportunity to not only speak truth to power but to speak truth to your own constituency.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But in addition she says that “conditions for people to prosper are not God-given, they are created through policy”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point her frank talk surprises me.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She argues strongly that the root of the problem is that the government has failed to insist on transformation by business; that it has failed to be “intentional about driving a particular agenda”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She argues that it should be “dragging White Monopoly Capital kicking and screaming” on to a path that it doesn’t realise is in its own best interests, comparing it to a child that resists parental discipline.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In this regard she talks approvingly of the way the apartheid government created a conducive environment for white business interests and the white poor after 1948.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She tells me that capital doesn’t have a conscience, “it doesn’t care”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“It’s like water, it goes where it’s easiest. If you make it difficult to operate in an environment, it just goes elsewhere to an environment where it’s more conducive to do what it’s meant to do.”</span>\r\n<blockquote><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There are only 120,000 people earning more than R1,5-million per annum… Seven million people are carrying 18 million people who are dependent on social grants… We can’t continue to overtax seven million to feed 18 million.</span></blockquote>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She lists the full catalogue of indicators of our country’s inequality, poverty and economic failure, and asks, “At what point does government say I’m going to have to change my tack?”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thus, she insists, “I blame government. When a country fails, it is not up to business, which cannot dictate the agenda.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“You give business a conducive environment and then you give them the marching orders. Governments must drive capital to fulfil a particular objective.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Transformation fails when “business thinks regulation and legislation is just lip service; nothing ever happens if you don’t comply. They just push back at you.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This leads us to a discussion on the role of the state, which Mavuso believes must drive economic development, but notes that “growth cannot be achieved without transformation of the economy and business”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I ask her whether she thinks there is a problem with regulation per se (a common complaint by business) or with inefficiency, bureaucracy and corruption in the operation of reasonable and necessary regulations to ensure that business operates fairly and in accordance with the transformative objective of our much-lauded Constitution?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I 100% agree with that,” she replies.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Another problem, I put to her, is that the state is weak, undercapacitated and underfunded. The environment she desires requires a capable state: doesn’t this require increased corporate taxation and even a wealth tax?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This time Mavuso returns to the more familiar tropes of business.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“I’m not convinced that taxing the few will help. After all, who are you taxing?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There are only 120,000 people earning more than R1,5-million per annum… Seven million people are carrying 18 million people who are dependent on social grants… We can’t continue to overtax seven million to feed 18 million.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She concedes wealth taxes are different “but are they sustainable?”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She doesn’t answer her own question, leaving us hanging on the question of how we can resource the state in the short term to meet its pressing constitutional obligations; the very “palpable omissions” – hunger, joblessness and indignity – that are fomenting the desperation and, ultimately, anger that was witnessed in the recent riots.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Finally, Mavuso “wonders if” the recent anarchy may have had “a silver lining”. She thinks it could have been “a turning point” in business consciousness.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When I challenge her and say that I’ve heard this before, she says that in her recent engagements with BLSA members, their concern “seems heartfelt – but ask me more in six weeks”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">They are, for example, “willing to deal with youth unemployment, but we haven’t translated that to what that looks like…” She agrees that “we’ve defined the what but not the how”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I complain that business seems to have a contract with the government but not the people of South Africa. For example, faced with crises like the current one, it fails to talk to its critics in civil society.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mavuso agrees with the need to talk to civil society more widely.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“When we have the conversations, I don’t know if we have dug deep enough. Usually once we’ve dealt with the immediate crisis, we move on. They haven’t got to the root of the problem enough. When there is no crisis, I don’t think we talk enough.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mavuso tells me she’s optimistic about the government and its Economic Recovery and Reconstruction Plan, but says it needs to be more urgent and have timelines.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">She recognises a series of “positive policy moves” such as the 51% sale of SAA and the licensing of independent power production up to 100MW.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Business, she says, is “definitely still committed to South Africa”, even after the recent conflagration. As evidence she points to the attitude of the CEOs of Foschini and Capitec, rebuilding their shops and branches in the rubble of broken township shopping malls.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There’s a strong commitment towards rebuilding.” Rebuilding, yes, not just from the looting, but from the legacy of apartheid.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And here’s the rub on which the success of black business leaders such as Mavuso and Mohale will ultimately be judged. They admit the need for a different kind of capitalism, but don’t seem to know what to do differently.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Without new pathways, people in South Africa are left with tired mantras that focus on the need to “grow the economy” but postpone the resolution of millions of people’s current pain to the uncertain and unlikely outcomes of an ailing system.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In Mavuso’s own words, “That is a recipe for disaster.” </span><b>DM168</b>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This story first appeared in our weekly Daily Maverick 168 newspaper which is available for R25 at Pick n Pay, Exclusive Books and airport bookstores. For your nearest stockist, please click</span></i><a href=\"https://168.dailymaverick.co.za/available-here.html\"> <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">here</span></i></a><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span></i>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2021-08-08-south-africas-three-bloodiest-days-342-dead-and-we-are-still-in-the-dark/dm-07082021-001-indd/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-1002280\"><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-1002280\" src=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/DM-07082021001.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1077\" height=\"1638\" /></a>",
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"social_title": "Business Leadership SA’s Busi Mavuso: We’re naive to think we can achieve stability in the face of inequality",
"social_description": "<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">First published in the </span></i><b><i>Daily Maverick 168 </i></b><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">weekly newspaper.</span></i>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"",
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