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"title": "Africa is taking a stand on the climate crisis at the world’s highest court — The world should listen",
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"contents": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Last week the International Court of Justice (ICJ) kicked off the hearing of oral arguments in a request for an advisory opinion that will determine the accountability of states for climate change. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In this request, spearheaded by the island state of Vanuatu, the ICJ has been asked to confirm the obligations of states under international law to ensure the protection of the climate system from greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and the legal consequences wheresStates have caused significant harm to the climate system.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">An interesting, but unsurprising, trend has emerged from the ICJ proceedings, as they draw to a close, with two clear and polarised positions.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the one end we see the historic GHG emitters – the developed countries and petrostates, the likes of Germany, the UK, Canada, China, India, the US, Russia, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait – arguing that the climate treaties already in place are the </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">only</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> international law mechanisms within which climate change must be regulated. They argue that international human rights law is not applicable to climate obligations, and that the suite of international laws governing state responsibility for harms caused, would not be suitable in the context of climate change. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You can understand why: reparations. Historic emitters have long gone to great pains to emphasise that they have no legal obligations to pay reparations, and to ensure that any climate money paid over is through their own generosity, not because of any legal liability. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the other end, we see the countries that stand to lose the most from the effects of climate change, while having contributed the least, making compelling arguments for justice. They are calling for large emitters to be held legally accountable for climate harms. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Small island states threatened existentially by sea-level rise, and developing states, including a large number from Africa (Cameroon, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Namibia and Kenya, among them), have come out strongly, arguing that international customary law and long-recognised rights such as the right to self-determination, are indisputably affected by climate change, and there must be recourse for this under international law, beyond what is written in climate treaties such as the Paris Agreement. These states are arguing that there is indeed a legal duty for reparations for climate harms caused by high-emitting states, and that existing climate treaties simply don’t provide adequate remedies.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The African Union (AU), too, is saying that states responsible for harming the climate system must cease their wrongful conduct and provide reparations.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is not surprising that many African states are taking this stance. Africa is particularly exposed to the impacts of climate change. It needs, and already spends, substantial resources to respond to climate events. Africa’s history of colonial exploitation, debt and barriers to participation in global trade, also place it starkly on the back foot when it comes to being able to adapt and address climate impacts. Yet, the entire continent of Africa accounts for </span><a href=\"https://www.cdp.net/en/research/global-reports/africa-report\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">less than 4% of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> – the smallest share, among all the world’s regions. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A </span><a href=\"https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10584-022-03387-y\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2022 study</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and modelling by Calahan & Mankin demonstrates how the culpability for warming rests primarily with a handful of major GHG emitters, and this warming has resulted in the emitters’ enrichment at the expense of the poorest people in the world. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To date, any money that has trickled down to affected states has been nowhere near enough. To make matters worse, much of the climate finance received has been in the form of loans. Seeking to cover these costs with loans is simply not sustainable. African states face a crippling financial cycle of borrowing to rebuild after extreme weather events, leaving them trapped in debt and unable to recover fully, or prepare for worsening climate impacts. Moreover, they do not want to have to loan money to address harms that they did not cause. The ICJ’s decision could start to change this. </span>\r\n<h4><strong>Climate reparations</strong></h4>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If the ICJ agrees that states have climate protection obligations beyond, and in addition to climate treaties, it must then decide the legal consequences</span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">under these obligations, where states have caused significant harm to the climate system. This opens the door for a broad spectrum of reparations under international law. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Reparation can be made in three ways: (i) restitution (restoring the environment or affected area to its original state), (ii) compensation (the payment of monetary compensation for damages suffered), and/or (iii) satisfaction (this can be a public acknowledgement or statement). </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Injured states and affected populations could take legal action against governments for failing to uphold international law obligations and reduce their GHG emissions, including by seeking compensation for damages caused by climate change.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ghana, Kenya, Malawi,Sierra Leone and the AU, among others,</span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">have called for debt cancellation as a form of reparation.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">South Africa unfortunately is an outlier in the process, thus far having argued against a broader human rights approach to addressing climate change. It occupies an interesting position as the highest GHG emitter within Africa. At the same time, the country is also grievously affected by the climate crisis and needs access to substantial resources to respond and adapt. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It remains to be seen what the court will decide. Even if a strong advisory opinion is issued – it is not clear what the real-world implications of this would be. An ICJ opinion is not directly legally binding. But it clarifies the interpretation and application of international law. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">An advisory opinion, therefore, is only a first step; but it is an important first step, particularly for Africa. As the youngest population in the world, with a strong interest in intergenerational justice, the world should pay attention to what Africa’s stance on climate justice might mean in the realm of international law and global politics in the future. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The ICJ process has shown that African states, perpetually marginalised in climate negotiations, are now having to look to more “extreme” measures to lay a foundation for future claims to respond to the climate crisis. This may well be the beginning of a firmer stance being taken by Africa in the international arena. South Africa will have to decide where it wants to sit in this struggle, particularly now as it takes on the G20 presidency. </span><b>DM</b>\r\n\r\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=REeWvTRUpMk\r\n\r\n ",
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