Eleven things we learnt about the GNU from Tony Leon’s new book, plus some gossip

Former DA leader Tony Leon was keeping a diary during the tense negotiations to form the Government of National Unity (GNU), and an edited version of that diary is now the backbone of his new book “Being There: Backstories from the Political Front”, which will be available from 9 May in bookshops.

Leon is an intensely satisfying chronicler, pairing an acerbic wit with an eye for gossipy detail — the ANC negotiators were dressed to the nines; the DA delegation wore “Cape Union Mart and Uniqlo puffers”, for instance. He is also an inveterate name-dropper, which is precisely the quality you want in a diarist.

His account of the negotiations contains plenty of more serious reflections. Leon is candid about his concerns around the loose phrasing of the final GNU statement of intent, as well as the ANC’s good faith in entering into the governance arrangement.

But the chapters on the GNU, which amount to about 40% of the book, also contain some compelling behind-the-scenes nuggets, of which we present a few.

Tony Leon's new book contains some compelling behind-the-scenes nuggets about the formation of the GNU. (Source: Jonathan Ball Publishers)

1. Helen Zille was not supposed to be in the DA’s initial GNU negotiations team.

Leon writes that the team John Steenhuisen had selected consisted only of him, Western Cape Premier Alan Winde, former DA strategist Ryan Coetzee and erstwhile Parliamentary chief whip Siviwe Gwarube.

“But John’s choices do not meet with the approval of his suspicious federal executive,” writes Leon.

“And I have barely begun packing for Johannesburg, where the talks with other parties will be centred, than we receive a WhatsApp group message from fedex chair Helen Zille. She advises that not only has the fedex inserted her and party chairman Ivan Meyer into the mix, but she will take charge of the group!” (Incredulous exclamation mark is Leon’s.)

Shortly after, Leon describes himself as somewhat taken aback to learn that Zille has kicked off negotiations with the ANC and IFP before the majority of the team has even arrived in Joburg.

2. Leon describes Zille as having more influence over the DA’s fedex than Steenhuisen.

“It is clear that Helen holds considerable sway over the fedex she chairs,” writes Leon, “while John is less certain of all the members’ loyalties or to whom they are owed.”

3. Leon is, um, ambivalent about Zille.

He describes Zille, who succeeded him as DA leader, as having “for some years before been plotting my exit”, which appears to have left some lingering feelings.

“There is much to admire in her outsize personality,” Leon writes, listing her energy, intelligence and courage.

He proceeds to counter-balance this with Zille’s “adamantine obstinacy, a zeal of righteous conviction and total belief in the potency of her own analysis”.

Damningly, Leon concludes that although Zille brings necessary rigour to party management, “I doubt the party brand is enhanced by her continued presence at the top of the organisation.”

Later, he describes her as fixated on her “hobby horses”, which she rides frequently into GNU negotiations. One is the Bela Bill, which Leon feels is less important than considerations about South Africa’s economic trajectory.

4. One of the DA’s initial no-goes was the presence of the Patriotic Alliance in the GNU.

Leon writes that the DA’s “bottom lines” were initially no alliance with MK or the EFF — but also the Patriotic Alliance, which did indeed end up in the GNU.

Another red line: the DA would not support a government headed by either Gwede Mantashe or Paul Mashatile.

5. ANC-DA negotiations took place at the home of Nando’s heir Adi Enthoven.

There is an issue finding a “suitably discreet and neutral venue” for DA-ANC talks, until Adi Enthoven’s Herbert Baker-designed Westcliff mansion is secured. They eat Nando’s at the first meeting, where Leon is offended by former ANC MP Nkenke Kekana’s apparent belief that Leon lives in Israel. Afterwards, Zille tells him he is being paranoid.

“This from the queen of paranoia!” he retorts.

6. Ramaphosa ghosted Steenhuisen for some time.

The DA team, as well as mediator Roelf Meyer, believed that a good relationship between Steenhuisen and Ramaphosa was key to the success of negotiations and the GNU. Just one problem: Ramaphosa was, as the youth say, blue-ticking Steenhuisen.

“Alan Winde, who has Cyril’s number on speed dial, was advised by Ramaphosa that such a meeting would be a good idea but was entirely non-committal on its happening. John, too, has messaged him, with zilch reply,” writes Leon.

The two men would ultimately meet face to face only on the eve of the crucial Parliament vote to install Ramaphosa as President.

7. Gwede Mantashe still holds considerable weight in the ANC.

Leon writes that he found it striking how deferential the ANC’s negotiating team was to Gwede Mantashe, the “comrade chair” of their delegation.

“Even the normally voluble [Fikile] Mbalula is relatively muted in his presence,” writes Leon.

Mantashe also attempts to shut down Gwarube when she tries to speak for the DA, on the grounds that she is only allowed to speak after the DA’s chairperson (Meyer) speaks.

Of the ANC team, Leon reserves his praise for Fébé Potgieter — “articulate and bright” — and David Makhura: “indispensable as the rational voice who gets the deal done”.

8. Leon was warned that the GNU agreement was not legally enforceable.

After the GNU memorandum is finally signed, Leon receives a call from ENS head Michael Katz, who congratulates him on the completed statement of intent.

“And then he, arguably the best commercial lawyer in the country, adds: ‘Of course, Tony, this document is not enforceable in law. You can’t go to court if there is a dispute on its terms. It is a political statement, and it rests on the politicians to make it work.”

9. The DA was originally offered the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Competition.

One of the initial offers from the ANC saw the DA offered four deputy ministries and six ministries — one of which was the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Competition.

While the offer is deemed too modest in terms of the number of posts, the DTIC position makes the DA salivate.

“This ministry sits at the heart of the economy,” writes Leon. “The mind boggles at the liberating effect a business-friendly, growth-oriented DA person could bring to this office.”

Steenhuisen responds to Ramaphosa by saying that the number of ministerial posts being offered is not commensurate with the vote share. An icy back-and-forth proceeds, after which Ramaphosa comes back with another offer: six ministerial positions and six deputy posts.

The bad news: the DTIC position is being withdrawn — due to opposition from Mantashe and Paul Mashatile, the DA later learns — and replaced with Tourism.

Absolutely not, says the DA team, who then request Transport as a minimum substitute. The compromise becomes Agriculture.

10. Leon thinks Steenhuisen made a mistake with Roman Cabanac.

One of the early controversies of the GNU was Steenhuisen’s decision to appoint an “alt-right shock jock”, as Leon accurately describes Roman Cabanac, as his chief of staff.

Leon advises him against it: “This appointment, whatever merits Cabanac had, would at best be an enormous distraction from [Steenhuisen’s] multiple tasks: getting to grips with his portfolio, running the party and leading his DA cabinet in the difficult and new terrain they now held.”

11. At least initially, some DA ministers were iced out by colleagues.

It’s hard not to feel a bit sorry for the DA Cabinet members, who, based on Leon’s account, were at least initially mean-girled by their new colleagues.

Some of the DA ministers, Leon writes, experienced “being leaked against by hostile colleagues or excluded from events (such as the president’s imbizos, lavish public talking shops where the head of state interacts with citizens). On enquiry, a DA minister was informed, ‘Oh, so sorry you didn’t get notice of it’.”

Then again, Leon notes, “given the inefficiencies of the state from top to bottom, cock-up was as probable an explanation as a grand conspiracy to exclude”. DM

Being There is published by Jonathan Ball Publishers and will be available in bookstores from 9 May.