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"title": "FW de Klerk (1936 - 2021): the last apartheid president was driven by pragmatism, not idealism",
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"contents": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In recognition of his role in the demise of the formal apartheid, </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/frederik-willem-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk </span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize </span><a href=\"https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/1993/award-video/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">in 1993</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. He received it alongside </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/nelson-rolihlahla-mandela\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nelson Mandela</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, who became South Africa’s first democratic era president a year later. Historians have pointed to the white minority’s </span><a href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/21528586.2000.10419009\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">unusual capitulation of power</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, especially when gauged against other settler societies. De Klerk arguably had an important hand in that.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Mandela’s </span><a href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/jan/15/nelsonmandela\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">disparagement</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of De Klerk a few years prior as the “head of an illegitimate, discredited minority regime…incapable of upholding moral standards” captures not only the </span><a href=\"https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/his-hands-are-dripping-with-blood-calls-to-cancel-fw-de-klerk-talk-in-us-on-racism-rule-of-law-20200620\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">animosity</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> between the two leaders, but the feelings of many if not most South Africans.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That De Klerk never saw himself and the National Party regime in that light, is paradoxically what enabled him to lead the party’s relinquishing of state power.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Not that he had set out to do that.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The end of the </span><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/how-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-30-years-ago-resonated-across-africa-126521\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cold War</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with </span><a href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50013048\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the dismantling of the Berlin Wall in 1989</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> meant the loss of Soviet Union support for the anti-apartheid organisations. It also ended the West’s need of the apartheid regime as proxy in Africa.</span>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"https://thecommonwealth.org/media/news/archive-sanctions-agreed-against-apartheid-era-south-africa\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sanctions</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, the costs of military action in the southern African and an </span><a href=\"https://omalley.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02167/04lv02264/05lv02335/06lv02357/07lv02372/08lv02379.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">unabated popular insurrection</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> pushed South Africa into an economic crisis.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Meanwhile, apartheid lost its hegemonic hold on </span><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/how-afrikaner-identity-can-be-re-imagined-in-a-post-apartheid-world-56222\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Afrikaner intelligentsia</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, business, media and the churches as doubts grew about its morality and continued practicability.</span>\r\n\r\n<b>Committed apartheid ideologue</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk will be most remembered for his famous </span><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/fw-de-klerk-made-a-speech-31-years-ago-that-ended-apartheid-why-he-did-it-130803\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">speech delivered on 2 February 1990</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in which he announced the unbanning the African National Congress (ANC) and other liberation movements.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But it should not be read as a Damascene conversion to the principle of black majority rule.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Rather the announcement was made by De Klerk the pragmatist. He was taking a strategic risk to regain the initiative, in a situation where the options beyond intensified military repression were rapidly shrinking.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk seems an unlikely candidate to have led this process.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Born on </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/frederik-willem-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">18 March 1936</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in Johannesburg, he came from a lineage of leaders of the National Party. The party came to power </span><a href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/532221\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">in 1948</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> brandishing its policy of apartheid. De Klerk’s uncle, </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/johannes-gerhardus-strijdom\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">JG Strijdom</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, was the second apartheid prime minister. His father, </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/johannes-jan-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jan de Klerk</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, served as a cabinet minister under three apartheid prime ministers.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk was associated with the conservative wing of the National Party. He was active in Afrikaner nationalist organisations </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/frederik-willem-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">from a young age</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, before joining the apartheid parliament in the early 1970s.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk’s political career confirms his commitment to apartheid. After ascending to a National Party ministerial position in the late 1970s, he passed through portfolios instrumental in the domination of black people.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As minister of education between 1984 and 1989, he was the political principal responsible for the continuing implementation of “</span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/bantu-education-and-racist-compartmentalizing-education\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bantu education</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">”. This system was most devastating, enforcing the racial hierarchy through the limitation of black people’s life opportunities from an early age.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk clung to the view that apartheid was intended to address the complexity of South African diversity. In his </span><a href=\"https://www.justice.gov.za/trc/hrvtrans/submit/np2.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">statement</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> before the </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/truth-and-reconciliation-commission-trc\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the late 1990s he protested the international assignation of apartheid as a </span><a href=\"https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/cspca/cspca.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">crime against humanity</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in 1973. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission had been created to examine human rights abuses during the apartheid era.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He insisted before the Commission that crimes against humanity have to do with the “wilful extermination of hundreds of thousands - sometimes millions - of people” and that white people, in contrast, had increasingly shared state resources with black people in latter years of apartheid.</span>\r\n\r\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-1095010\" src=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/ED_0005596.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"720\" height=\"540\" /> May 1996: Thabo Mbeki, President Nelson Mandela and FW De Klerk the day the constitution was adopted. May 1996. (Photo by Gallo Images/Oryx Media Archive/Benny Gool)</p>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk’s position had not changed in 20 years, as evident in his 2020 </span><a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VBE844vDkx4\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">public statement</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> when he repeated this stance. But after an intervention by the Desmond and Leah Tutu Foundation, he </span><a href=\"https://www.fwdeklerk.org/index.php/en/latest/news/984-statement-by-fw-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">backtracked</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> a few days later and acknowledged the </span><a href=\"https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/cspca/cspca.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court’s definition</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of apartheid as a crime against humanity.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nevertheless, his concession was </span><a href=\"https://www.news24.com/news24/SouthAfrica/News/fw-de-klerk-foundation-withdraws-apartheid-statement-apologises-to-sa-20200217\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ambiguous</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">:</span>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"This is not the time to quibble about the degrees of unacceptability of apartheid.\"</span></i>\r\n\r\n<b>De Klerk and the security forces</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk’s denial of apartheid state violence partly sprang from his insistence that he was personally unaware of the abuses by its security forces. He was not part of the inner circle of his securocratic predecessor </span><a href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/news/2006/nov/02/guardianobituaries.southafrica\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pieter Willem (PW) Botha</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, who had created the repressive </span><a href=\"https://open.uct.ac.za/bitstream/handle/11427/25748/Seegers_SA's%20National%20Security_1991.pdf;jsessionid=C7FEFF2E957BA1FE3BF17BE6B4DE274A?sequence=1\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">National Security Management System.</span></a>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, he was a member of the State Security Council, the structure at the pinnacle of the National Security Management System. As a result, the Commission </span><a href=\"https://sabctrc.saha.org.za/reports/volume6/section1/chapter4/subsection3.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">found that:</span></a>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"[His] statement that none of his colleagues in Cabinet, the State Security Council or Cabinet Committees had authorised assassination, murder or other gross violations of human rights was indefensible.\"</span></i>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">During his presidency, political violence escalated to </span><a href=\"https://omalley.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02167/04lv02264/05lv02335/06lv02357/07lv02372/08lv02379.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">unseen levels</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. De Klerk undertook various actions to </span><a href=\"https://fas.org/irp/world/rsa/com15e.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">neutralise the securocrats</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, suggesting that a divide had by then opened up in the National Party government between those determined to sustain apartheid and those believing it could no longer continue unchanged.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But, the De Klerk grouping in the party certainly did not aim to establish the current constitutional democracy based on human dignity, equality and freedom. At the start of the multiparty negotiations the party was confident that it could continue with mere apartheid reformism called “</span><a href=\"https://static.pmg.org.za/working-democracy-FINAL.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">power sharing</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">”, as had been started by Botha in the 1980s.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Power sharing involved building a “white veto” into parliamentary representation, as a counterweight to the enfranchisement of the black majority. But intense political violence halted the negotiations, increasingly putting the possibilities for a political settlement at risk.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The creation of an </span><a href=\"https://www.ru.ac.za/perspective/2013archive/thedayin1993whentherewasnoturningbackforsa.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">alliance</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> between white and black reactionaries in the </span><a href=\"https://omalley.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02424/04lv02730/05lv02886.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Afrikaner-Volksfront</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, the </span><a href=\"https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230623828_8\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Inkatha Freedom Party</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and the then nominally independent </span><a href=\"https://www.britannica.com/place/Bophuthatswana\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bophuthatswana bantustan</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> brought renewed urgency to finding common ground.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This quest was facilitated by </span><a href=\"http://www.ethikundmilitaer.de/en/full-issues/20181-strategic-foresight/kahane-transformative-scenario-planning-working-together-to-change-the-future/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">scenario planning exercises</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> that brought opponents together in social environments, contemplating South Africa’s possible futures. These built on a series of earlier meetings, as also initiated by the Botha regime with Mandela as a political prisoner </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/chronology-meetings-between-south-africans-and-anc-exile-1983-2000-michael-savage\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">as early as in 1984</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The unexpected personal dynamics of foes coming face to face collapsed the stereotype of the “black Communist terrorist” for the National Party negotiators. These interactions paved the way for the party and the ANC as the primary parties to build mutual understanding and eventually trust, especially between their respective lead negotiators, </span><a href=\"https://www.dpme.gov.za/about/Pages/President-Cyril-Ramaphosa.aspx\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cyril Ramaphosa</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and </span><a href=\"http://www.thepresidency.gov.za/national-orders/recipient/roelf-petrus-meyer-1947#!slide\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Roelf Meyer</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n\r\n<b>Unstoppable momentum</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk and his negotiators were swept along by </span><a href=\"https://repository.nwu.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10394/6402/VEREENIGING_APRIL_2012.pdf;jsessionid=AC1026386C486DDB8CD604D4286D40C8?sequence=1\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the momentum of events</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. They came to realise that a democracy in which a constitution with a bill of human rights is supreme, with equality before the law irrespective of “race”, would be as best a protection for their constituency as they could hope for.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Regarding economic transformation, the National Party and the white capital interests they represented failed to block a constitutional clause expressly providing for expropriation of property in </span><a href=\"https://www.gov.za/documents/constitution/chapter-2-bill-rights#25\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the public interest</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. But, the clause included a rider that such expropriation should be subject to compensation. The clause also stipulates that “an equitable balance” should be struck between the interests of the public and the owner.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As a National Party loyalist De Klerk continued on Botha’s path of apartheid reformism, including through talks. But, unlike the strongman Botha, he was no securocrat. He came to believe that power sharing could </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">not</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> ultimately be imposed through state violence.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Where Botha had faltered, De Klerk was able to take alternative steps. As a conservative National Party leader, he could bring most of the party and its constituency with him. It was not a change of heart that drove De Klerk. He had entered into a perfect postcolonial storm, from where there was no return. </span><b>DM/ML <iframe src=\"https://counter.theconversation.com/content/164026/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-advanced\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\"></iframe></b>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"https://theconversation.com/fw-de-klerk-the-last-apartheid-president-was-driven-by-pragmatism-not-idealism-164026\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This story was first published in</span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The Conversation.</span></i></a>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Christi van der Westhuizen is an associate professor at the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy (CANRAD), Nelson Mandela University.</span></i>\r\n\r\n[hearken id=\"daily-maverick/8854\"]",
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"description": "Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa is the fifth and current president of South Africa, in office since 2018. He is also the president of the African National Congress (ANC), the ruling party in South Africa. Ramaphosa is a former trade union leader, businessman, and anti-apartheid activist.\r\n\r\nCyril Ramaphosa was born in Soweto, South Africa, in 1952. He studied law at the University of the Witwatersrand and worked as a trade union lawyer in the 1970s and 1980s. He was one of the founders of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), and served as its general secretary from 1982 to 1991.\r\n\r\nRamaphosa was a leading figure in the negotiations that led to the end of apartheid in South Africa. He was a member of the ANC's negotiating team, and played a key role in drafting the country's new constitution. After the first democratic elections in 1994, Ramaphosa was appointed as the country's first trade and industry minister.\r\n\r\nIn 1996, Ramaphosa left government to pursue a career in business. He founded the Shanduka Group, a diversified investment company, and served as its chairman until 2012. Ramaphosa was also a non-executive director of several major South African companies, including Standard Bank and MTN.\r\n\r\nIn 2012, Ramaphosa returned to politics and was elected as deputy president of the ANC. He was elected president of the ANC in 2017, and became president of South Africa in 2018.\r\n\r\nCyril Ramaphosa is a popular figure in South Africa. He is seen as a moderate and pragmatic leader who is committed to improving the lives of all South Africans. He has pledged to address the country's high levels of poverty, unemployment, and inequality. He has also promised to fight corruption and to restore trust in the government.\r\n\r\nRamaphosa faces a number of challenges as president of South Africa. The country is still recovering from the legacy of apartheid, and there are deep divisions along racial, economic, and political lines. The economy is also struggling, and unemployment is high. Ramaphosa will need to find a way to unite the country and to address its economic challenges if he is to be successful as president.",
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"name": "(From left to right) Thabo Mbeki, then-President Nelson Mandela and FW De Klerk the day the South African constitution was adopted in May 1996. (Photo by Gallo Images/Oryx Media Archive/Benny Gool)",
"description": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In recognition of his role in the demise of the formal apartheid, </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/frederik-willem-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk </span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize </span><a href=\"https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/1993/award-video/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">in 1993</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. He received it alongside </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/nelson-rolihlahla-mandela\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nelson Mandela</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, who became South Africa’s first democratic era president a year later. Historians have pointed to the white minority’s </span><a href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/21528586.2000.10419009\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">unusual capitulation of power</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, especially when gauged against other settler societies. De Klerk arguably had an important hand in that.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Mandela’s </span><a href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/jan/15/nelsonmandela\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">disparagement</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of De Klerk a few years prior as the “head of an illegitimate, discredited minority regime…incapable of upholding moral standards” captures not only the </span><a href=\"https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/his-hands-are-dripping-with-blood-calls-to-cancel-fw-de-klerk-talk-in-us-on-racism-rule-of-law-20200620\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">animosity</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> between the two leaders, but the feelings of many if not most South Africans.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That De Klerk never saw himself and the National Party regime in that light, is paradoxically what enabled him to lead the party’s relinquishing of state power.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Not that he had set out to do that.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The end of the </span><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/how-the-fall-of-the-berlin-wall-30-years-ago-resonated-across-africa-126521\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cold War</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with </span><a href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50013048\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the dismantling of the Berlin Wall in 1989</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> meant the loss of Soviet Union support for the anti-apartheid organisations. It also ended the West’s need of the apartheid regime as proxy in Africa.</span>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"https://thecommonwealth.org/media/news/archive-sanctions-agreed-against-apartheid-era-south-africa\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sanctions</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, the costs of military action in the southern African and an </span><a href=\"https://omalley.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02167/04lv02264/05lv02335/06lv02357/07lv02372/08lv02379.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">unabated popular insurrection</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> pushed South Africa into an economic crisis.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Meanwhile, apartheid lost its hegemonic hold on </span><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/how-afrikaner-identity-can-be-re-imagined-in-a-post-apartheid-world-56222\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Afrikaner intelligentsia</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, business, media and the churches as doubts grew about its morality and continued practicability.</span>\r\n\r\n<b>Committed apartheid ideologue</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk will be most remembered for his famous </span><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/fw-de-klerk-made-a-speech-31-years-ago-that-ended-apartheid-why-he-did-it-130803\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">speech delivered on 2 February 1990</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in which he announced the unbanning the African National Congress (ANC) and other liberation movements.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But it should not be read as a Damascene conversion to the principle of black majority rule.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Rather the announcement was made by De Klerk the pragmatist. He was taking a strategic risk to regain the initiative, in a situation where the options beyond intensified military repression were rapidly shrinking.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk seems an unlikely candidate to have led this process.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Born on </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/frederik-willem-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">18 March 1936</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in Johannesburg, he came from a lineage of leaders of the National Party. The party came to power </span><a href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/532221\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">in 1948</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> brandishing its policy of apartheid. De Klerk’s uncle, </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/johannes-gerhardus-strijdom\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">JG Strijdom</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, was the second apartheid prime minister. His father, </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/johannes-jan-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jan de Klerk</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, served as a cabinet minister under three apartheid prime ministers.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk was associated with the conservative wing of the National Party. He was active in Afrikaner nationalist organisations </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/frederik-willem-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">from a young age</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, before joining the apartheid parliament in the early 1970s.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk’s political career confirms his commitment to apartheid. After ascending to a National Party ministerial position in the late 1970s, he passed through portfolios instrumental in the domination of black people.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As minister of education between 1984 and 1989, he was the political principal responsible for the continuing implementation of “</span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/bantu-education-and-racist-compartmentalizing-education\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bantu education</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">”. This system was most devastating, enforcing the racial hierarchy through the limitation of black people’s life opportunities from an early age.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk clung to the view that apartheid was intended to address the complexity of South African diversity. In his </span><a href=\"https://www.justice.gov.za/trc/hrvtrans/submit/np2.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">statement</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> before the </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/truth-and-reconciliation-commission-trc\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the late 1990s he protested the international assignation of apartheid as a </span><a href=\"https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/cspca/cspca.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">crime against humanity</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in 1973. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission had been created to examine human rights abuses during the apartheid era.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He insisted before the Commission that crimes against humanity have to do with the “wilful extermination of hundreds of thousands - sometimes millions - of people” and that white people, in contrast, had increasingly shared state resources with black people in latter years of apartheid.</span>\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_1095010\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"720\"]<img class=\"wp-image-1095010\" src=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/ED_0005596.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"720\" height=\"540\" /> May 1996: Thabo Mbeki, President Nelson Mandela and FW De Klerk the day the constitution was adopted. May 1996. (Photo by Gallo Images/Oryx Media Archive/Benny Gool)[/caption]\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk’s position had not changed in 20 years, as evident in his 2020 </span><a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VBE844vDkx4\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">public statement</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> when he repeated this stance. But after an intervention by the Desmond and Leah Tutu Foundation, he </span><a href=\"https://www.fwdeklerk.org/index.php/en/latest/news/984-statement-by-fw-de-klerk\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">backtracked</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> a few days later and acknowledged the </span><a href=\"https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/cspca/cspca.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court’s definition</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of apartheid as a crime against humanity.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nevertheless, his concession was </span><a href=\"https://www.news24.com/news24/SouthAfrica/News/fw-de-klerk-foundation-withdraws-apartheid-statement-apologises-to-sa-20200217\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ambiguous</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">:</span>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"This is not the time to quibble about the degrees of unacceptability of apartheid.\"</span></i>\r\n\r\n<b>De Klerk and the security forces</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk’s denial of apartheid state violence partly sprang from his insistence that he was personally unaware of the abuses by its security forces. He was not part of the inner circle of his securocratic predecessor </span><a href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/news/2006/nov/02/guardianobituaries.southafrica\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pieter Willem (PW) Botha</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, who had created the repressive </span><a href=\"https://open.uct.ac.za/bitstream/handle/11427/25748/Seegers_SA's%20National%20Security_1991.pdf;jsessionid=C7FEFF2E957BA1FE3BF17BE6B4DE274A?sequence=1\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">National Security Management System.</span></a>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, he was a member of the State Security Council, the structure at the pinnacle of the National Security Management System. As a result, the Commission </span><a href=\"https://sabctrc.saha.org.za/reports/volume6/section1/chapter4/subsection3.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">found that:</span></a>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\"[His] statement that none of his colleagues in Cabinet, the State Security Council or Cabinet Committees had authorised assassination, murder or other gross violations of human rights was indefensible.\"</span></i>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">During his presidency, political violence escalated to </span><a href=\"https://omalley.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02167/04lv02264/05lv02335/06lv02357/07lv02372/08lv02379.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">unseen levels</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. De Klerk undertook various actions to </span><a href=\"https://fas.org/irp/world/rsa/com15e.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">neutralise the securocrats</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, suggesting that a divide had by then opened up in the National Party government between those determined to sustain apartheid and those believing it could no longer continue unchanged.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But, the De Klerk grouping in the party certainly did not aim to establish the current constitutional democracy based on human dignity, equality and freedom. At the start of the multiparty negotiations the party was confident that it could continue with mere apartheid reformism called “</span><a href=\"https://static.pmg.org.za/working-democracy-FINAL.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">power sharing</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">”, as had been started by Botha in the 1980s.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Power sharing involved building a “white veto” into parliamentary representation, as a counterweight to the enfranchisement of the black majority. But intense political violence halted the negotiations, increasingly putting the possibilities for a political settlement at risk.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The creation of an </span><a href=\"https://www.ru.ac.za/perspective/2013archive/thedayin1993whentherewasnoturningbackforsa.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">alliance</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> between white and black reactionaries in the </span><a href=\"https://omalley.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02424/04lv02730/05lv02886.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Afrikaner-Volksfront</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, the </span><a href=\"https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230623828_8\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Inkatha Freedom Party</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and the then nominally independent </span><a href=\"https://www.britannica.com/place/Bophuthatswana\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bophuthatswana bantustan</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> brought renewed urgency to finding common ground.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This quest was facilitated by </span><a href=\"http://www.ethikundmilitaer.de/en/full-issues/20181-strategic-foresight/kahane-transformative-scenario-planning-working-together-to-change-the-future/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">scenario planning exercises</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> that brought opponents together in social environments, contemplating South Africa’s possible futures. These built on a series of earlier meetings, as also initiated by the Botha regime with Mandela as a political prisoner </span><a href=\"https://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/chronology-meetings-between-south-africans-and-anc-exile-1983-2000-michael-savage\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">as early as in 1984</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The unexpected personal dynamics of foes coming face to face collapsed the stereotype of the “black Communist terrorist” for the National Party negotiators. These interactions paved the way for the party and the ANC as the primary parties to build mutual understanding and eventually trust, especially between their respective lead negotiators, </span><a href=\"https://www.dpme.gov.za/about/Pages/President-Cyril-Ramaphosa.aspx\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cyril Ramaphosa</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and </span><a href=\"http://www.thepresidency.gov.za/national-orders/recipient/roelf-petrus-meyer-1947#!slide\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Roelf Meyer</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n\r\n<b>Unstoppable momentum</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De Klerk and his negotiators were swept along by </span><a href=\"https://repository.nwu.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10394/6402/VEREENIGING_APRIL_2012.pdf;jsessionid=AC1026386C486DDB8CD604D4286D40C8?sequence=1\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the momentum of events</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. They came to realise that a democracy in which a constitution with a bill of human rights is supreme, with equality before the law irrespective of “race”, would be as best a protection for their constituency as they could hope for.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Regarding economic transformation, the National Party and the white capital interests they represented failed to block a constitutional clause expressly providing for expropriation of property in </span><a href=\"https://www.gov.za/documents/constitution/chapter-2-bill-rights#25\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the public interest</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. But, the clause included a rider that such expropriation should be subject to compensation. The clause also stipulates that “an equitable balance” should be struck between the interests of the public and the owner.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As a National Party loyalist De Klerk continued on Botha’s path of apartheid reformism, including through talks. But, unlike the strongman Botha, he was no securocrat. He came to believe that power sharing could </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">not</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> ultimately be imposed through state violence.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Where Botha had faltered, De Klerk was able to take alternative steps. As a conservative National Party leader, he could bring most of the party and its constituency with him. It was not a change of heart that drove De Klerk. He had entered into a perfect postcolonial storm, from where there was no return. </span><b>DM/ML <iframe src=\"https://counter.theconversation.com/content/164026/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-advanced\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\"></iframe></b>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"https://theconversation.com/fw-de-klerk-the-last-apartheid-president-was-driven-by-pragmatism-not-idealism-164026\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This story was first published in</span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The Conversation.</span></i></a>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Christi van der Westhuizen is an associate professor at the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy (CANRAD), Nelson Mandela University.</span></i>\r\n\r\n[hearken id=\"daily-maverick/8854\"]",
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"summary": "Few recent historical figures in South Africa provoke more divergent views than Frederik Willem (FW) de Klerk. He was president of the country from 1989 to 1994. Some will remember him as the last white South African president who played a primary role in ending the brutal system of apartheid and preventing further bloodshed. But, many will remember him simply as the last white minority leader to preside over apartheid and the violence that upheld it.",
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"search_title": "FW de Klerk (1936 - 2021): the last apartheid president was driven by pragmatism, not idealism",
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