GNU 100 Days — Here are the answers to queries raised by Daily Maverick readers

Question: Why can’t provinces and local governments also be constituted like the multiparty GNU? Now, opposition parties have taken over local councils and regional governance, enacting policies contrary to the path the GNU is adopting, thereby embarrassing and disenfranchising the state. How is this acceptable when the national vision is being undermined locally?

Answer: You’d assume that national leaders would insist on local iterations of the Government of National Unity (GNU). But, unfortunately, local and provincial factions are driving against the power-sharing model at the national level. This is most pronounced in Gauteng, where the government of African National Congress (ANC) provincial chair Panyaza Lesufi is doing all it can to crash any provincial or metropolitan replication. The results are clear to see: the province and the three cities it includes are all in a freefall of bad governance and corruption. The national leaders seem unable to do anything. In some municipalities of the Western Cape, there’s another interesting pattern at play: the ANC and Freedom Front Plus are ganging up to oust Democratic Alliance (DA) mayors, even though all three parties are part of the national GNU. 

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Why can the national government not impose on regional and local parliaments to be constituted in the same political party proportions as itself? Was this not the hope of many after the elections? 

See the answer above. 

We are told that political representation in regional governance will only change in the next elections in 2026, but didn’t we already make this choice during the most recent national elections, with the use of ballot papers two and three? Why is the current governance structure not reflective of those votes?

I guess you live in Gauteng, like I (Ferial) do. This is because the ANC in the province, led by the Premier Panyaza Lesufi, refused to create a provincial government of unity despite the party initially saying it would. A nascent deal fell apart when the ANC offered portfolios to the DA which had neither budget nor impact. It’s interesting that Rise Mzansi has entered the provincial government. 

What is the internal decision-making process at the GNU Cabinet level when contentious issues arise? For instance, if the ANC opens discussions about labour reforms and the DA and Inkatha Freedom Party differ, proposing amendments, how does President Cyril Ramaphosa handle the lack of consensus? Does he override opposition from non-ANC ministers by relying on the ANC Cabinet majority and then announce the decision as a “GNU Cabinet decision”?

At the moment, decision-making is by consensus while the parties continue to work out a deadlock-breaking mechanism. There are three areas of potential deadlock that could make the GNU teeter: these are the National Health Initiative (NHI), the Basic Education Laws Act (Bela) and the upcoming debate on the nationalisation of the SA Reserve Bank. Locally, if the ANC supports a motion of no-confidence in Tshwane mayor Cilliers Brink, that could also cause tension in the GNU. Ramaphosa is resolving through kicking into touch: he has moved the contention on the NHI into negotiations for a Health Compact with business. Last week, he signed Bela into law but held back on the two most contentious clauses. 

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When GNU ministers disagree and vote against motions, are they allowed to voice their dissent publicly so that the citizens can understand what happened inside the Cabinet? Shouldn’t there be more transparency in these decisions to help voters make informed choices?

They voice their differences very publicly. 

Following the allocation of ministerial positions in May 2024, could you explain the rationale behind decisions at the provincial and city levels? Several experts have highlighted the fragility of local and provincial councils, with mayors often lasting only a month or two. Shouldn’t there be a deeper rethinking of how local governance is structured before the 2026 elections? Perhaps a think tank is needed to address this instability.

Elections are increasingly won or lost in cities. The DA won so convincingly in the Western Cape not only because the province is relatively well-run but because Cape Town mayor Geordin Hill-Lewis is doing an outstanding job. Cities are home to the largest populations and also the most discerning ones who have shown that they use their votes tactically. There is substantial consideration given to the low proportion of funds allocated to local government versus provinces which are suctions for provincial capture and waste, according to repeated annual reports from the Auditor-General. The Gauteng and Eastern Cape metros are all in various states of precarity. The ANC knows that it can lose substantially in 2026 (the next local government election) and 2029 (the next national and provincial election) if the trajectory of cities is not changed. It has appointed a high-level task team to consider local government. It is led by Trade, Industry and Competition Minister Parks Tau. Let’s see what he does.  

The ANC has formed a GNU without fully consulting its internal structures, alliance partners or the broader public. This has sparked significant internal friction. Is the GNU now a liability for the ANC, and how will this tension be managed?

Great question. You can see the suspicion many ANC members and even leaders have for the GNU. I think it will manage this by bringing in the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) as a partner. The way to ensure the GNU becomes an asset and not a liability is to put the accelerator on good governance by using the space offered by the GNU. It’s happening in pockets and the economy has responded well to the GNU. 

The GNU faces increasing demands, including the redistribution of land and wealth, the mass employment of 5 million South African graduates in both public and private sectors and the deportation of undocumented foreign nationals by October 2024. How does the GNU plan to address these demands, which align with various political party manifestos?

It can do none of those things by October, being constrained by the economy, by unemployment (still growing) and by the Constitution (which enshrines us to treat migrants with care and love). I often thank our lucky stars for our Constitution.  

What measures will the GNU implement to prevent ongoing disruptions in municipal service delivery caused by the continuous voting out of local leaders for reasons of party control and self-enrichment? How will stability and efficiency be restored in these municipalities?

The only measure at the moment is through a lot of hot air. I (Ferial) live in Johannesburg, a test case for the fix. Yet, we have hundreds of electricity outages and water cuts every week. Cadre deployment in the municipal entities is still the way it is, despite promises to professionalise appointments. Money is wasted on contracts given to cronies while the city goes to the dogs. The pattern is the same in Tshwane, in Ekurhuleni and in Nelson Mandela Bay. Durban (the eThekwini metro) is an exception. That metro has been placed under administration and from what I hear and read, the fix is steadily happening. 

What is the future of the GNU leading up to the 2029 elections? Could the GNU collapse due to unrealistic demands from opposition parties, like the DA, which might push too hard and cause the ANC to lose face? Could this lead to the end of the GNU altogether?

It’s been almost 100 days and things have held up quite well. There seems to be a determination to make it work. Both the leading parties – the ANC and DA – fared badly in the May election so they have a lot to prove. Also, the global and local markets have responded well to South Africa’s power-sharing plan. The Cabinet ministers appear to be getting on well and the Patriotic Alliance’s Gayton McKenzie has emerged as the gel in the Cabinet, keeping it all together with cheek, enthusiasm and gumption. Who knew?  

Will the GNU find the 66% majority needed to pass DA MP Glynis Breytenbach’s bills, which aim to introduce the Chapter Nine Anti-Corruption Commission? If the ANC remains resistant, could this lack of consensus lead to the collapse of the GNU?

The President has the recommendations of the National Anti-Corruption Commission on his desk. I think it favours a multi-agency approach, which may or not include a recommendation for a new chapter 9 institution to fight corruption. The reputations of our chapter 9 institutions are patchy: some are good, some are bad and some are completely non-descript. My view is that corruption is best tackled on many fronts and by many agencies as long as they work together. So, no, I don’t think Breytenbach’s bills, as good as they are, and their outcome will collapse the GNU.  

Should President Ramaphosa consider appointing a new commission—like Codesa 2 — and ask former Chief Justice Raymond Zondo to chair it? It would be tasked with drafting a white paper on the future of local government? This could address issues such as how local entities should be funded and empowered, and help lay a roadmap for better governance. Would such an initiative help unite the GNU’s surplus ministers by giving them a meaningful project?

When I (Ferial) last heard the former Chief Justice Zondo speak on his final day at the Constitutional Curt, he was pretty clear. He is taking a full year off. And if anybody deserves it, he does. You ask important questions about local government. We’re on it. 

The chairperson of the Commission of Inquiry in State Capture Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo during a media briefing on May 24, 2018 in Johannesburg. (Photo by Gallo Images / Sowetan / Thulani Mbele)