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"title": "Macron negotiates greater commitment by France’s allies in the fight against jihadists in the Sahel",
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"contents": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Before his summit last week with the G5 Sahel leaders, French President Emmanuel Macron appeared to be carefully cultivating the impression that he would significantly reduce the size of Operation Barkhane, France’s military force which has been fighting jihadists in the Sahel since 2014.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so most people – including even the Sahelian leaders themselves, it seemed – were surprised when he announced instead at the summit that he would maintain France’s military strength at its current level of 5,100 combat troops, at least until the northern summer.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We must not release pressure on terrorist groups,” he said during the summit which was held with the leaders of the G5 Sahel countries – Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, Niger and Mauritania – in the Chadian capital of N’djamena. Macron and some officials of other European countries as well as representatives of international organisations attended online. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">By signalling a probable troop reduction – back to the level before a surge of 600 troops in January 2020 – Macron had evidently been trying to motivate France’s allies in the counter-terrorist Sahel fight, to increase their own troop contributions.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If so, his tactics worked. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the summit, Chad’s President Idriss Deby announced he would contribute another battalion to the G5 Sahel joint force while European countries that had originally only been providing technical support to the force reinforced their combat contingents. The Takuba, a joint special forces unit, now comprises soldiers from Estonia, Sweden, Czech Republic and Italy, with possibly more to come, France’s ambassador to South Africa, Aurélien Lechevallier, told </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Daily Maverick</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In addition, Germany, the Netherlands and Portugal are increasing their training and logistic support to the Sahel counter-terrorism effort. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Reinforcements certainly seem necessary; last year the Sahel conflict claimed about 6,200 lives, a 30% jump over 2019, according to </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The</span></i> <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Economist</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Lechevallier said the speculation that Macron would reduce France’s presence had mostly derived from the growing French public pressure he is under to get out of the Sahel. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Sahel has become France’s Afghanistan or Iraq, with public criticism of the operation every time French troops suffer casualties, Lechevallier noted. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Macron used the speculation of a likely withdrawal to his advantage, to motivate France’s allies to reinforce their presence. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Macron is “a very good negotiator,” Lechevallier said. So, probably before the N’djamena summit, Macron had decided: “Let’s maybe push the other partners to do more, and then we’ll announce that we stay.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The ambassador also noted that the summit had assessed that despite great difficulty, the counter-terrorism effort was “moving forward in the right direction”.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And so, “It would have sent a contradictory message to withdraw at a point where we are making progress.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“And also we’ve seen more commitment by Sahel countries and also international partners, like the European partners in particular. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“So it would be strange to say to our European colleagues, ‘Please step up to the plate, reinforce your presence, but at the same time we will withdraw’.” </span>\r\n<blockquote><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Macron has so far steadfastly refused to negotiate with the jihadists, though local leaders, like Mali’s interim Prime Minister Moctar Ouane and Burkina Faso’s Prime Minister Christophe Dabiré, are pushing in that direction. </span></blockquote>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Lechevallier said the G5 Sahel leaders and their European partners also welcomed the clear commitment from a representative of the new Biden administration at the summit that the US would continue to support the new Sahel strategy, as the Trump administration had. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“And on the civilian side there was a new commitment by foreign donors to increase their assistance programmes through the coordination mechanism called the Sahel Alliance. The N’djamena summit had decided to create a permanent secretariat of coordination to be based in Brussels, led by a Sahelian coordinating with the international donors.” </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Macron’s commitment to maintaining the full French force in the Sahel until June would provide some sustainability. “You cannot announce this and then say, ‘tomorrow we might reconsider’.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But, on the other hand, he said four months would be long enough, because there would be another summit, probably in June, where the participating countries would again take stock. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“So, this is probably the deadline the president had in mind. Plus in terms of deployment and rotation of the troops etc, I think that four months is the standard shift delay.” </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Lechevallier said there was objective evidence that the combined counter-terrorism forces were making progress in their battle against the jihadists.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Last year the most aggressive and threatening group was Islamic State in Grand Sahara. This organisation has been severely impacted by the scaling up and the better coordination of the military responses these last months.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He noted that in the French National Assembly it was stated that 1 500 terrorists had been killed in the Sahel recently. He also recalled that Abdelmalek Droukdel, leader of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, had been killed by French forces in June 2020 in Mali.</span>\r\n<blockquote><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Many independent analysts worry that the G5 Sahel countries are still very far from being self-sufficient militarily and will therefore remain dependent on France and other external supporters indefinitely. </span></blockquote>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“These are tangible results,” Lechevallier asserted. “Other more political results is the fact that in two out of five Sahel countries last year there were elections and transitions, in Burkina Faso and Niger.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“In Niger the elections were really considered as free and fair by international observers and President [Mahamadou] Issoufou not running for a new mandate because he reached the end of his second term.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“So that was also important to notice that there were democratic, political transitions in this region. Because oftentimes we really think everything is totally hampered and paralysed because of the violence. That was also a good signal.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“But there are also concerning signs. The fact that the attacks continue. The zone of the three borders between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger (sometimes called Liptako-Gourma) that was identified as a really priority targeting zone last year, is still a very dangerous one.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“And we’ve seen new groups coming up. So it’s a really moving ground, with groups that are really affected by the military response, others that are growing. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“At the end of the day we know that the solution will not be military. That’s why development and the political dimension are so important. So there are positive and encouraging signs. And the fact that there is a clear collective strategy supported by everyone is very important. But in terms of security and stability, the challenge remains absolutely huge.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Many independent analysts worry that the G5 Sahel countries are still very far from being self-sufficient militarily and will therefore remain dependent on France and other external supporters indefinitely. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Lechevallier insists, though, that the G5 Sahel countries are becoming more self-reliant. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Remember that more than one year ago there were episodes where a small number of terrorists would attack a fort and everyone would just flee.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That was now changing. As a result of better preparation, training and motivation, the local forces were increasingly likely to stand their ground under attack. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Again, it’s far from perfect, but it’s really better now.”</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Macron has so far steadfastly refused to negotiate with the jihadists, though local leaders, like Mali’s interim Prime Minister Moctar Ouane and Burkina Faso’s Prime Minister Christophe Dabiré, are pushing in that direction. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">According to </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Economist</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, back-channel talks are already under way with Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimin a broad coalition of jihadist groups operating across the Sahel, but not with “the most bloodthirsty outfits” such as Islamic State in Grand Sahara. </span><b>DM</b>",
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