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Morally malleable Jeff Radebe has impossible task for ANC in KZN

Morally malleable Jeff Radebe has impossible task for ANC in KZN
Stephen Grootes
By Stephen Grootes
26 Feb 2025
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The appointment of Jeff Radebe to manage the ANC’s situation in KZN may appear, on the face of it, inspired. A closer look at his political history shows how he went out of his way to help, enable and protect Jacob Zuma when he was president.

On Tuesday, the ANC announced that Jeff Radebe would be the convenor of a task team to lead the party in KwaZulu-Natal after its electoral implosion last year. It now appears he may again play a prominent role in our politics.

Radebe has had a long history in the ANC, first in the struggle for freedom, and then in the democratic era, as probably the longest-serving Cabinet minister. There can be no doubt of the scars some of this history must have left on him.

In 2019, he was due to make a speech at the exhumation of the remains of Ben Langa. Langa was the brother of both former Chief Justice Pius Langa and the poet and writer Mandla Langa. He was killed by two ANC members in 1984. They believed he was an informer for the apartheid security police.

So overcome was Radebe during his speech, fully 35 years after the event, that he had to receive medical treatment.

Read more: ANC announces 67-member KZN task team to address ‘existential threat’ after election clobbering

It was a reminder of the pain and trauma suffered by many people during this time and of the dangers of false accusations (the ANC has formally apologised to the Langa family for this incident).

After a long period in the ANC, including a stint on Robben Island, he became a minister in Nelson Mandela’s Cabinet after the 1994 elections. He was to stay in Cabinet until the 2019 election.

High point of Radebe’s contribution 


Radebe has often been closer to the apex of power than most Cabinet ministers.

Through his marriage to Bridgette Radebe, he is one of those who may enjoy the occasional family lunch with Patrice Motsepe and President Cyril Ramaphosa himself.

While he later played a role in weakening our state, it is to his eternal credit that he had what might have been an important role in ensuring people living with HIV were able to get ARVs at state hospitals.

Manto Tshabalala-Msimang was still health minister while ARVs were being rolled out in some places from 2004. (This reporter was present when the first group of people living with HIV were given ARVs at a government hospital in Gauteng. Then premier Mbhazima Shilowa arrived to personally give his stamp of approval, despite his close relationship with Mbeki).

In those mad days before the 2007 Polokwane Conference, Tshabalala-Msimang took ill and later had a liver transplant. Radebe was transport minister at the time, but was appointed acting health minister.

It seemed to this reporter that while he did not make headlines about it, he may have helped the ARV process along, after a time when insanity had appeared to rule so many.

Unfortunately, this was possibly the high point of his contribution to our current situation.

Acting for Zuma


In December 2007, Zuma defeated Mbeki and everything changed.

It was clear to anyone when Zuma became president in 2009 that he needed a malleable national director of public prosecutions (NDPP).

He chose justice director-general Menzi Simelane, a person already found to have “prima facie lied under oath” during his testimony to the Ginwala Commission (which investigated the suspension of then NDPP Vusi Pikoli).

By now, Radebe was justice minister and was expected to act on formal recommendations against Simelane. Instead, he told the president to ignore two reports that made findings against Simelane and said he could be NDPP.

As the Constitutional Court found, this was “irrational”. It was a clear example of what Radebe would do for Zuma.

At the time, Radebe was also a member of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC). Back then there appeared to be a clear ANC caucus of members on the JSC who could make their decisions stick.

During a historic set of hearings in 2009, the JSC sat over three days to appoint four members of the Constitutional Court. After sitting for so many hours, the JSC announced its decisions after meeting for just 20 minutes.

While the focus at the time was on whether John Hlophe could be appointed, in the end, Radebe helped Zuma appoint then North West Judge President Mogoeng Mogoeng to the court and then elevated him to the position of Chief Justice.

It became clear later that this was the plan all along. 

It also meant that Mogoeng, who claimed before the 2024 elections that he would become president – without having to run for office – ended up being Chief Justice.

One presumes that Mogoeng is still waiting for his prophecy to come true. But at least he has the consolation of knowing that Zuma, Radebe and God all wanted him to be Chief Justice. 

Former Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke summed up this period for Radebe in his book, All Rise: A Judicial Memoir, thus, “In short, Radebe was right there when vital institutions in the justice sector faced headwinds. He might one day want to explain what his role was in all of this”.

Read more: ANC turn to old hands Jeff Radebe and Amos Masondo to revive Gauteng, KZN

All this was before the Waterkloof landing by the Guptas. It is difficult now to remember the sheer political force this incident had on our politics.

In 2013, the EWN journalist Barry Bateman followed up on a tip and watched a massive plane landing at Waterkloof Air Force Base. He saw Atul Gupta on the tarmac, who then confirmed to him that these were guests for a family wedding.

It was proof that the Guptas had huge political power, and it was through Zuma.

Zuma appointed Radebe to head a ministerial panel to investigate. Radebe’s findings, that then chief protocol officer Bruce Koloane should be “demoted” to the plum position of Ambassador to The Netherlands, was proof that he would do anything to help Zuma. 

Of course, the Zondo commission made its own findings on the matter.

Personal behaviour


Radebe’s personal behaviour should also not be forgotten.

While he can be kind and thoughtful in person (this reporter once bumped into him in a very dark corner of Cape Town International Airport while searching for a lost rental car. Radebe was gracious and immediately offered to help), he has engaged in what can only be described as predatory behaviour at least once.

In 2017, a 29-year-old GCIS photographer revealed that he had sent her a message asking her to send him a picture of herself naked (the actual phrase “C.L.I.T. Is requested” became a social media meme).

She said she was being victimised by powerful ministers. GCIS claimed she was “too close” to some of the people she was taking photos of.

It certainly appeared that Radebe was abusing his power here, and may well have echoes of the JSC’s sexual harassment hearings involving Eastern Cape Judge President Selby Mbenengwe.

It also shows that Radebe was prepared to use his power to get what he wanted.

Impossible task


After a period out of frontline politics, Radebe may now find himself pushed to the fore. KZN is a maelstrom of politics.

Zuma, as leader of MK, is probably still the biggest political personality there and the ANC does not appear to have a coherent policy to confront him. The ANC is in a coalition with the IFP, DA and NFP, and must try to prevent MK from persuading the NFP to work with them.

At the same time, Radebe has to lead a large group of 67 people, an indication of the internal complexity of the KZN ANC.

This looks like an impossible task, even for someone as morally flexible as he has shown himself to be. DM

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