SADC must now translate prudence into action, supporting Mozambique in finding a sustainable, inclusive and democratic resolution to its escalating political and social crisis.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) Summit convened in Harare on 20 November 2024 amid regional challenges and crises. While its primary focus was originally on Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mozambique’s escalating political and social unrest demanded urgent attention.
During its monitoring, the SADC election observation mission, led by former Zanzibar President Amani Karume, had already flagged significant irregularities in Mozambique’s electoral process. Despite producing a relatively cautious report, the mission highlighted concerns about transparency and fairness.
Yet, even before Mozambique’s National Electoral Commission (NEC) had finalised results, some key regional leaders, including Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa, and Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa rushed to congratulate Frelimo and its candidate Daniel Chapo.
The Harare Summit, however, avoided endorsing Chapo’s disputed victory — a significant and prudent move. By refraining from premature recognition, SADC demonstrated an understanding of the unresolved electoral challenges and ongoing legal disputes before Mozambique’s Constitutional Council (CC). This silence, while welcome, is not enough. SADC must now translate prudence into action, supporting Mozambique in finding a sustainable, inclusive and democratic resolution to its crisis.
Systemic electoral fraud in Mozambique
Mozambique’s elections have long been characterised by systemic practices that erode democratic integrity and undermine public trust in the electoral process.
Exclusion of opposition parties
The ruling Frelimo party exerts significant control over critical institutions like the NEC and the CC. This dominance skews the electoral landscape, systematically marginalising opposition voices and excluding their active participation in the electoral process.
Manipulation of voter registration
Voter registration processes are manipulated to disproportionately favour Frelimo strongholds. This includes:
- Inflating voter rolls in regions dominated by Frelimo.
- Underrepresenting or delaying registrations in opposition-leaning areas.
This tactic distorts electoral outcomes even before a single vote is cast, ensuring a systemic advantage for the ruling party.
Control of media and communication channels
During election cycles, state-controlled media heavily promotes Frelimo while silencing or providing limited coverage to opposition parties. Additionally, digital platforms often face restrictions, further constraining the opposition’s ability to reach voters.
Tampering with election day processes
On voting day, there are frequent reports of irregularities such as:
- Ballot box stuffing.
- The expulsion of opposition party agents from polling stations.
- Deliberate delays or obstructions in opposition-dominated areas.
Post-election result manipulation
After votes are cast, the tallying process is often marred by
- Altered results at district and provincial levels.
- The issuance of falsified results favouring Frelimo, even when opposition victories are evident in localised areas.
Judicial complicity
The Constitutional Council, which is expected to uphold electoral integrity, often dismisses credible evidence of irregularities. Its rulings frequently align with Frelimo’s interests, further eroding public confidence in the justice system as a neutral arbiter.
These systemic flaws collectively reduce elections in Mozambique to symbolic exercises, designed more for the consolidation of Frelimo’s power than for genuine democratic competition.
Evolution of electoral violence
Mozambique’s electoral violence has transformed over the years:
- Localised conflict of the past: Previously, violence was concentrated in Renamo strongholds and involved guerrilla tactics.
- Urban resistance today: Protests have shifted to urban areas, particularly Maputo, led by a younger generation disconnected from the liberation struggle but deeply frustrated by poor governance and economic stagnation.
- Emerging opposition leadership: Unlike in the past, Renamo no longer dominates opposition efforts. Charismatic new leaders now spearhead broader social revolts, reflecting widespread public discontent.
Pots and pans protests: A symbol of grassroots resistance
Mozambique’s nightly “pots and pans” protests have emerged as a powerful grassroots movement, sending a clear message of resistance and discontent.
A cultural tradition with new meaning
Drawing on a Southern Mozambican cultural tradition of banging pots and pans to signal the end of hospitality, this act has become a powerful metaphor for telling Frelimo “It’s time to leave”.
Unity across social strata
The protests have brought together diverse groups from all walks of life — urban and rural, young and old — united by shared frustration with widespread corruption, poor governance and democratic backsliding.
Evolving protest tactics
Beyond banging pots, the movement has incorporated other symbolic acts of resistance:
- Cart-stopping: Protesters have started blocking roads with carts as a form of peaceful defiance, disrupting daily activities and forcing attention to their cause.
- Honking horns: Drivers participate by honking their horns at specific times, amplifying the noise of dissent.
- Wearing black: Many participants have begun wearing black clothing as a symbol of mourning for democracy and justice in Mozambique.
A unified voice against injustice
These protests transcend traditional political divides, representing a collective demand for accountability, respect for human rights, and restoration of democratic norms.
The pots and pans protests are not just an expression of anger — they are a call to action, embodying the resilience and determination of Mozambican citizens to fight for a fairer and more democratic society. This movement continues to grow, demonstrating that grassroots resistance can become a potent force for change, even in the face of severe repression.
Militarised repression and human rights violations
The Mozambican government’s response to protests has been marked by escalating repression:
- Excessive force: More than 67 people killed, 2,000 arbitrarily detained and hundreds injured since October, according to reports from CDD, RMDDH, CIP and others.
- Internet blackouts: Restrictions on internet access and social media platforms have stifled communication and mobilisation efforts.
- Widespread fear: Nighttime raids, arbitrary arrests, and the use of tear gas in residential areas highlight the state’s reliance on militarised tactics to suppress dissent.
These actions represent not just a political crisis but a human rights emergency, with systemic violations deepening divisions and undermining trust in the state.
SADC’s role: Prudence is not enough
The Harare Summit’s silence on Daniel Chapo’s contested victory may reflect a cautious and prudent approach, acknowledging the unresolved crisis and pending legal challenges. While this restraint is commendable as it avoids prematurely endorsing a disputed outcome, it is not sufficient. SADC must transition from silence to action, addressing the root causes of Mozambique’s crisis through a combination of inclusive political dialogue, institutional reform and direct engagement with civil society.
Concrete steps for SADC
- Amplifying civil society voices
SADC must actively engage with Mozambican civil society, ensuring the inclusion of grassroots organisations, human rights defenders and youth representatives in shaping the resolution to the crisis. Civil society offers critical insights into the systemic grievances driving the unrest and can play a vital role in fostering long-term reconciliation and democratic reform. By creating forums for civil society input, SADC can ensure that its interventions reflect the aspirations and concerns of ordinary Mozambicans, not just those of political elites.
- Facilitating inclusive political dialogue
Mozambique’s crisis cannot be resolved without a comprehensive political dialogue that involves all stakeholders, including the ruling Frelimo party, opposition groups and independent leaders of the social movements driving the protests. SADC must work to create an environment conducive to genuine dialogue, where all parties can voice their concerns without fear of repression.
To ensure the legitimacy and effectiveness of this dialogue:
- The SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation should take the lead in convening and facilitating this dialogue. This organ has the mandate to address political instability and promote peace and security within the region.
- An independent mediation team, potentially involving respected former heads of state or senior diplomats, should be appointed to guide the dialogue process. This team should be impartial, experienced and committed to fostering solutions that prioritise democracy and human rights.
- Dialogue should include key international partners such as the African Union and the United Nations, who can lend credibility, technical expertise and additional pressure to ensure progress.
Monitoring and safeguarding human rights
SADC must prioritise human rights monitoring in Mozambique to hold perpetrators of violence and repression accountable. The SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation should deploy a human rights task force to document violations, provide transparency, and ensure that any negotiated solutions address these grievances comprehensively.
Championing electoral justice
Electoral integrity must be at the forefront of SADC’s response. The regional body should advocate for:
- An independent audit of the election results to address allegations of fraud and manipulation.
- Electoral reforms that strengthen the independence and impartiality of Mozambique’s NEC and CC.
- Establishing clear standards for SADC election observation missions, ensuring that their reports are thorough, impartial and action-oriented.
Strengthening institutions and the rule of law
Mozambique’s fragile democratic structures have exacerbated the crisis. SADC must support reforms aimed at bolstering institutional capacity and ensuring the separation of powers, particularly within the judiciary and electoral bodies. These reforms are essential to restoring public trust in governance.
The role of SADC’s Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Affairs
As the primary body tasked with addressing regional security and political instability, the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Affairs must spearhead efforts to resolve the Mozambican crisis. This includes:
- Mediation and dialogue facilitation: Convening and managing multi-stakeholder talks to address immediate grievances and foster long-term stability.
- Conflict prevention: Developing an early warning mechanism to prevent further escalation of violence and unrest.
- Human rights monitoring: Establishing an observer mission dedicated to documenting and reporting on human rights abuses during the ongoing unrest.
- Accountability frameworks: Collaborating with Mozambican institutions to ensure perpetrators of state violence and electoral fraud are held accountable.
A path forward
The Harare Summit’s restraint has created a window of opportunity for SADC to act constructively. However, silence alone will not address Mozambique’s deepening crisis. By leveraging the expertise and mandate of its Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Affairs, SADC can provide the leadership necessary to steer Mozambique toward peace, justice and democratic resilience.
This is not only a test of SADC’s commitment to regional stability but also a moment to demonstrate its role as a defender of democracy and human rights in southern Africa. Time is of the essence — action is needed now to prevent further deterioration and to lay the groundwork for a sustainable resolution. DM