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"contents": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In his election campaigns for the African Union’s (AU) top job, new AU Commission Chairperson Mahamoud Ali Youssouf </span><a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NY0MoVR6gvg\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">said</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> he would advocate for significant reforms to AU crisis responses. These reforms would include a more proactive Peace and Security Council and effective standby forces ready for deployment to conflict areas. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">From Sudan and South Sudan to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Africa’s peace and security landscape has become increasingly volatile. Persistent conflicts have exposed the limitations of global and regional approaches such as peace support operations.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Youssouf’s leadership began amid major global and regional discussions in the United Nations (UN) and AU on reforming peacekeeping globally and in Africa. These debates have prompted both organisations to review their respective frameworks. This convergence offers the AU’s new leadership an opportunity to forge a bold African vision for peace operations that helps address structural and systemic drivers of conflict. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Current approaches in Africa are often criticised for failing to address the root causes of crises, notably deficits in governance, socioeconomic development and diversity management. They also struggle to foster timely preventive diplomacy that achieves political solutions.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In recent years, several peace operations on the continent have ended prematurely. These include the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali, East African Community Regional Force in eastern DRC, Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in Mozambique, and the dissolution of the G5 Sahel Joint Force. In March, the SADC Mission in the DRC ended its operation after 15 months due to deep-seated political </span><a href=\"https://issafrica.org/iss-today/anatomy-of-sadc-s-failure-in-eastern-drc\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">problems</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and military capacity limitations. </span>\r\n<h4><b>Varying effects of regional and global geopolitics</b></h4>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These missions differed in their deployment contexts, mandates and the nature of the challenges encountered, including the varying effects of regional and global geopolitics. But all were forced to close before achieving their goals. This signified a broader </span><a href=\"https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/2309_Local-Perceptions.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">crisis</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of confidence in multilateral peacekeeping and peace support operations. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Local communities and host nations claimed that these missions failed to effectively carry out their mandates, including protecting civilians and fostering conditions for an inclusive peace process. This led to a decline in public and state trust. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The reasons behind the missions’ untimely departure include strategic, political and operational challenges. They also lacked political consensus on the UN Security Council and suffered from dwindling host-nation cooperation and limited regional support for UN peacekeeping missions.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As a result, discussions on the review of peace operations in the UN context, including peacekeeping and special political missions, have gathered pace. The UN’s 2023 New Agenda for Peace and the 2024 Pact for the Future </span><a href=\"https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/sotf-pact_for_the_future_adopted.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">asked</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> UN Secretary-General António Guterres to “undertake a reflection on the limits and future of peacekeeping in light of the evolving nature of conflict”. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The UN Secretariat has started the review process, which aims to draw lessons from previous and ongoing missions and recommend how the UN toolbox can be adapted to meet existing and future security challenges. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Likewise, the AU has </span><a href=\"https://www.peaceau.org/uploads/dcmd-asf-review-algiers.pdf#:~:text=As%20many%20of%20you%20will%20agree%2C%20the,of%20peace%20and%20security%20on%20our%20continent.&text=To%20that%20end%2C%20we%20must%20give%20unwavering,of%20peace%20and%20security%20across%20the%20continent.\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">started</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> a review of the African Standby Force, which was declared fully operational in 2016. The force is a key mechanism for rapidly deploying peace support operations and responding to crises across the continent. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Opinions vary about the </span><a href=\"https://issafrica.org/iss-today/can-the-african-standby-force-match-up-to-current-security-threats\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">use</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of the force. Some argue that the AU and its regional economic communities used the force as a strategic framework to build the capacity of peace support operations. They also claim that the peace missions authorised by the Economic Community of West African </span>\r\n<h4><b>Authorisation processes</b></h4>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">States for The Gambia and by the Southern African Development Community for Lesotho and Mozambique were </span><a href=\"https://trainingforpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/ASF-Report_Standby-Arrangements.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">deployed</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> under the African Standby Force framework. These deployments did not, however, follow the authorisation processes enshrined in the African Standby Force concept. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Others contend that the force has yet to be fully utilised due to a lack of political consensus, weak institutional coordination between the AU and regional actors, and </span><a href=\"https://issafrica.org/pscreport/psc-insights/could-the-african-union-make-better-use-of-regional-deployments\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">funding</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> challenges. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The AU Commission initiated the African Standby Force review in 2023 amid rising security threats and urgent questions about the force’s relevance and effectiveness. Among other activities, a review workshop was held in December 2024. In February 2025, the AU Assembly directed the AU Commission to expedite the review and align it with Africa’s evolving security challenges. A roadmap for African Standby Force reform is being developed and a detailed report is expected in mid-2025. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As Youssouf begins his tenure, he can draw on the ongoing UN and AU reviews to steer a renewed vision for peace operations in Africa. The ultimate goal should be an approach that promotes political, not just security, solutions to crises. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The continent’s diverse and complex conflict landscape requires a range of deployment options by the UN, AU and regional actors. Ensuring </span><a href=\"https://eur01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fissafrica.org%2Fresearch%2Fbooks-and-other-publications%2Funpacking-the-pact-for-the-future-and-its-implications-for-africa&data=05%7C02%7Cdyohannes%40issafrica.org%7Ca0ff5e6adb9640e9750508dd775a559c%7Cb49f804cf3d74228b49841634224c429%7C0%7C0%7C638797952036668428%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=k4X63qlpGDbivF1RZN3TlM4ETHRnhPaev%2BQusw0sz7g%3D&reserved=0\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">alignment</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> between the AU and UN reviews would make good use of both organisations’ comparative advantages, considering their overlapping aspirations and the goals of the two processes.</span><b> </b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To ensure that Africa’s position is included in the UN peace operation review, the new AU leaders should craft a common African position that reflects the continent’s concerns, priorities and experiences. They could work with the Peace & Security Council to organise a dedicated session to deliberate and build consensus around Africa’s input to the UN review process. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The AU Commission chairperson must also seize his early momentum to speed up the African Standby Force review process as a key mechanism for deploying peace operations in response to conflicts across Africa. The review should clarify the roles of the AU and regional bodies in authorising deployments, streamlining political decision-making processes, and identifying sustainable resources.</span>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ibrahim Barrie, Dawit Yohannes, Emmaculate Liaga, Tsion Belay, Meressa Kahsu work at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) Addis Ababa.</span></i>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">First published by </span></i><a href=\"https://issafrica.org/iss-today\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ISS Today</span></i></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>",
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