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"contents": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">From community and labour protests to civil wars, businesses are entangled in African conflict and violence. Indeed, all fragile and conflict-affected countries experience violence with a close </span><a href=\"https://www.routledge.com/Business-and-Conflict-in-Fragile-States-The-Case-for-Pragmatic-Solutions/Ganson-Wennmann/p/book/9781138213975\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">nexus</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to the private sector. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Until we recognise that private sector development in conflict environments must be a peace process – requiring political settlements on matters of the economy – we won’t make progress. Peace-positive private sector development is hard to implement and clashes with the goal of maximising private returns. Specialised peacebuilding intermediaries and investment vehicles are needed.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The failure to constrain “bad” businesses most clearly exacerbates conflict and impedes development. South Africa, for example, transitioned from the Dutch East India Company’s corporatised slavery, to the British South Africa Company’s corporatised imperialism, through the private sector’s symbiotic relationship with the apartheid government, to the active participation of </span><a href=\"https://www.theafricareport.com/173833/south-africa-bain-mckinsey-the-role-foreign-firms-played-to-aid-the-capture-of-state-owned-firms/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">companies</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> such as McKinsey and Bain in State Capture. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The story repeats itself across Africa. From De Beers’s links to </span><a href=\"https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1769&context=ilj\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">war crimes</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in West Africa to Uganda’s New Forests Company, whose plantation was cleared of residents by government forces that burnt houses and </span><a href=\"about:blank\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">murdered</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> children to do so. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, ostensibly “good” private sector development actors are also implicated in destructive conflict. For example, the African Development Bank won a Deal of the Year 2020 award for the Mozambique Liquefied Natural Gas Area 1 Project, the largest direct investment in Africa. The bank </span><a href=\"https://www.afdb.org/en/news-and-events/press-releases/african-development-bank-and-mozambique-lng-area-1-project-win-multilateral-deal-year-award-24-billion-global-syndicated-finance-42120\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">assured</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> stakeholders that it would manage the project to the highest social and environmental standards. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yet this project is at the heart of social </span><a href=\"https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/oureconomy/war-mozambique-natural-gas-blessing-turned-curse/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">divisions</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and </span><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/mozambiques-fossil-fuel-drive-is-entrenching-poverty-and-conflict-163597\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">violence</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> that have left thousands dead and as many as a million displaced. A toxic mix of mercenaries, foreign troops and a terrorist insurgency has resulted in gross human rights </span><a href=\"https://apnews.com/article/africa-south-africa-mozambique-war-crimes-45a3c451f586859271e17dfd62a93ff9\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">abuses</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Peacewashing” – saying the right things while doing something different – could explain this. Development finance institutions compete with private banks and investor groups for business. They must disperse vast amounts of funds to support a cost structure that resembles Goldman Sachs more than any peacebuilding organisation. This leads them to push investments far beyond the capacity of fragile contexts such as Mozambique to put to developmental use. They also partner with profit-maximising corporations with no track record of peace-positive development.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But another explanation may be that development finance institutions and their clients have a fundamentally flawed understanding of the inter-relationships of business, conflict and peaceful development. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Even when these actors tell us that they intend to do good, they articulate strategies that are at best highly indirect pathways towards peace. They argue that jobs will make young people less susceptible to recruitment by gangs, or that taxes paid by business will lead to improved public services. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To be fair, these assertions are not without evidence. However, these actors largely ignore their impacts on intergroup relations, which is the most direct pathway by which private sector development supports peace – or reinforces conflict dynamics. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Members of groups in conflict are attentive to their collective access to, and control over, economic, political and social assets. They see how private sector development exacerbates injustice by reinforcing the power and wealth of entrenched elites, as in </span><a href=\"https://www.theigc.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Burundi-report-v2.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Burundi</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and </span><a href=\"https://www.usb.ac.za/usb_insights/sierra-leone-does-todays-private-sector-help-or-hinder/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sierra Leone</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. They see how it disenfranchises many in the informal sector dependent on land and mineral resources in favour of large mining projects, as in </span><a href=\"https://africanarguments.org/2020/11/warning-shots-the-steady-rise-of-political-violence-in-ghana/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ghana</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. They see how it favours some ethnic groups over others in commercial opportunities, as in </span><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/ethnic-conflict-could-unravel-ethiopias-valuable-garment-industry-152844\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ethiopia</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Such imbalances between groups – exacerbated by investment and business activities – increase grievances, widen social divides and legitimise violence. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This means our focus must shift from the economic dimensions of private sector development to its role in intergroup </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">political</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> settlements on questions of economic justice and inclusion. “Deal-making” now left to bankers and corporate strategists must, in conflict-prone places, be treated as an extension of peace negotiations. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Substantively, all actors must understand and embrace opportunities in the real economy that directly address the needs of poor, vulnerable and marginalised groups at scale. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Procedurally, groups in conflict must be accompanied as they build sufficiently broad consensus on a path forward. Critical processes require independent mediation and external verification. These include developing environmental and social risk assessments and mitigation plans; frameworks for allocating benefits, risks and costs between stakeholder groups; and monitoring and evaluation. Conflict resolution – including processes that protect community rights and provide restitution for harms done by private sector development projects – also needs to be independent from commercial control. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These peacebuilding </span><a href=\"https://issafrica.org/research/policy-brief/private-sector-development-in-fragile-states-a-peacebuilding-approach\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">approaches</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to private sector development require skilled actors with the will to prioritise patient progress towards peace. They must be able to bring about profound changes in power relations and institutional arrangements in economic matters, managing resistance from those with vested interests.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Such actors achieve more peace- and development-positive </span><a href=\"https://www.usb.ac.za/usb_reports/a-seat-at-the-table-capacities-and-limitations-of-private-sector-peacebuilding/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">outcomes</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. For example, in South Africa, Partners in Agri Land Solutions (</span><a href=\"https://www.sapals.co.za/newsletters/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">PALS</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">) understands that “land reform is not a land problem, it is a relationship problem”. PALS explicitly addresses mistrust and unequal relationships in a facilitated approach to sustainable transformation. It recognises that the goal cannot be profit maximisation for any particular actor, but must be a just and inclusive economy in which all can prosper. It therefore contributes to peaceful development.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Some international actors, including the governments of South Africa and Canada, are sparking discussions on a more positive and actionable vision for private sector development in conflict environments. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This may lead to a balanced framework that includes: dedicated intermediaries who facilitate the analysis, dialogue and accountability processes required for groups in conflict to build consensus on directions for economic development; carefully cultivated, sustainable enterprises willing to prioritise peace outcomes, even at the expense of profits; and development finance institutions who put aside the ego gratification and easy profits of the mega-deal in favour of mobilising resources for these actors’ peacebuilding efforts.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Their challenge is that such approaches predictably complicate business as usual and reduce excess private returns – which sits uncomfortably with many powerful actors.</span>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Professor Brian Ganson, Head, Africa Centre for Dispute Settlement (ACDS), Stellenbosch University Business School</span></i>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ACDS partners with the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) on issues related to private sector development and peacebuilding.</span></i>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">First published by </span></i><a href=\"https://issafrica.org/iss-today\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ISS Today</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>",
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