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As 2024 elections loom, South Africa needs laws to keep small right-wing parties from controlling coalitions

Jason Love
By Jason Love
14 Feb 2023
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Due to the combination of coalitions being a feature of a country with a proportional representation system and the rise of numerous right-wing populist parties in South Africa, the danger of these parties steering the country’s policies towards the right cannot be ignored.

Numerous right-wing populist parties are emerging across South Africa. In what can be seen as a precursor to this, in the 2019 national election, political parties such as the Freedom Front Plus (FF+) increased their support, attracting votes from the DA. 

In the rampant decline of ANC hegemony and the “political establishment” (defined here as the ANC, DA and EFF), as well as worsening social and economic issues, new political actors such as the Patriotic Alliance (PA), African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) and ActionSA have increased in prominence. 

Through a series of by-elections and the 2021 local government elections, these parties have emerged as crucial to the formation of coalitions across the country. Not only has this given them increased exposure in the media, but it has also given them a much larger platform to push policies that are potentially harmful and violent to minorities.

For now, these parties still represent small proportions of the electorate, having been fairly trivial players in previous national elections. Indeed, ActionSA had not been formed before 2020. However, coalition governments have given it exposure and come 2024, their presence in national coalitions could spell further harm. 

It is worth examining some of the dangers these right-wing actors could pose in national coalitions through their involvement in local government coalitions. 

Right-wing coalition partners contextualised


South Africa has seen a groundswell of right-wing populism in recent years. From rampant xenophobia from political players to violent social movements such as Operation Dudula and evangelical churches, South Africa seems to be on the precipice of an authoritarian moment. 

Importantly, these parties act within an ecosystem, enforcing and drawing on one another as a method of furthering right-wing politics. It should be noted – importantly – that this ecosystem is not limited to the political realm, but includes the likes of AfriForum, Solidarity, community-based organisations and social movements.

For the purposes of this piece, the electoral portion of this ecosystem is partially analysed. 

The City of Johannesburg is a good case study for examining how coalition politics, including these right-wing parties, could be dangerous nationally. 

Although increasing fast, these parties have not yet enjoyed substantial portions of the vote. In the 2021 local government elections, ActionSA gained 16.05%, with the PA and ACDP winning 2.93% and 1.05% in the City of Johannesburg respectively. Although not substantial enough to be a leader of coalitions, ActionSA has formed integral parts of coalitions with the DA and FF+, whereas the PA has drifted between coalitions with the DA and with the ANC. What has resulted is a revolving door of mayors with service delivery in the city affected in every instance. 

Parties such as the PA are kingmakers in metros and can sway the coalition that comes out on top. Should voting trajectories increase for parties such as the ACDP and the PA nationally, this will be no different. 

Herein lies the possible danger of this type of coalition politics: these parties could drag many coalitions to the right and implement policy that is dangerous to minorities in the country. 

A history of violence


The history of violent rhetoric adopted by the PA and ACDP is well known. Indeed, it is part of the appeal of these parties. Although this violent rhetoric has contributed to an increasingly hostile environment for many minorities in the country, the violent policies that these parties have advocated for need some examination. 

The PA has a long history of xenophobic remarks and mobilisation. Its leader, Gayton McKenzie, has advocated for the denial of hospital care to immigrants, has said the government should ban the children of illegal foreigners from South African schools, and that if the PA were to come to power it would immediately deport all “illegal immigrants” in the country. McKenzie has drawn on dominant misconceptions of foreigners in the country by linking immigration with crime, high unemployment, drugs and a host of social problems. 

The ACDP is another member of this right-wing ecosystem. Rooted in Christian ideals, it has a history of opposing the word “marriage” when it refers to same-sex unions and has accused parties such as the DA of pushing the “LGBT agenda”. Publicly, the party has opposed the Western Cape government and its introduction of a gender-neutral clothing and bathroom policy for schools (not replacing gendered bathrooms, simply adding gender-neutral ones), calling the proposed policy “ungodly”. 

At a time in which homophobia and transphobia have been increasing in schools, this language and disinformation contribute to a violent environment for many pupils. Both xenophobia and trans rights are social issues that are dominant in society’s psyche.

More than just rhetoric


In part, disguised as “tough on crime and drugs” rhetoric, both these right-wing parties have tapped into and are exploiting real concerns that many South Africans have around safety and violence in the country. 

These aren’t necessarily simply populist signals for attracting votes – these utterances could turn into legislation. While the Constitution protects many of these rights, meaning that healthcare and LGBTQIA+ rights are protected, introducing harsh immigration and deportation legislation as well as scaling back on the progression of LGBTQIA+ rights is possible, among other things. The key example of this is the opposition of policy to further the rights of non-binary and trans people in the country.

“Tough on crime” rhetoric could translate into the use of law enforcement agencies to violently police foreigners in the country or allowing groups such as Operation Dudula to run rampant. 



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Crucially, these parties also contribute to a more hostile policy environment that could become a reality, and it is the very nature of coalition politics that could give them the power to influence policy to the right. 

In the City of Johannesburg and other municipalities and metros across the country, we have already seen the PA flip-flop from one coalition to another. A scenario in which right-wing parties support coalitions that are more amenable to right-wing regressive policies could play out – especially where these smaller parties are integral parts of coalition negotiations. 

Coalition legislation


One method that could help reduce the ability of parties to move between coalitions is coalition legislation. In part, it would help ensure that coalitions are more stable, especially at national level. Countries that are governed through coalition legislation such as Germany have introduced a similar framework to produce stable coalitions. 

The DA has proposed such legislation. Although only in the initial phase, factors such as electoral threshold limits to be included in coalitions, regulating the departure of members in coalitions and introducing limits in motions of no confidence in the executive, have all been proposed. This is a starting point and should by no means reflect the finished product. However, coalition regulation is part of what is necessary in ensuring that small right-wing parties do not control coalitions.

As many analysts have said, 2024 will be one of the more consequential elections in South Africa’s history. Coalitions are a natural part of any country’s politics that has a proportional representation system. 

But there are dangers in this that need to be cautioned against, including the rise to prominence of the right. DM/MC

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