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"contents": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Momentum is mounting because it’s becoming increasingly evident that data is power. And access to it is the key – for a host of reasons, not least transparency, human rights and electoral integrity.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But there’s a massive international asymmetry in access to data.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the European Union and the US, some progress has been made. For example, EU researchers studying risks have a legal right of access. In the US, too, some companies have taken voluntary steps to improve access. The situation is generally very different in the Global South.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The value of data access can be seen vividly in the monitoring of social media during elections. South Africa is a case in point. A powerful “big data” analysis was recently published about </span><a href=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2024-05-22-sexualised-silenced-and-labelled-satan-horrific-levels-of-online-violence-targeting-women-journalists/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">online attacks on women</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> journalists in the country, raising the alarm about escalation around – and after – the elections on 29 May.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A number of groups working with data attempted to monitor hate speech and disinformation on social media ahead of South Africa’s national and provincial polls. At a workshop involving 10 of these initiatives, participants described trying to detect coordinated “information operations” that could harm the election, including via foreign interference.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But these researchers can’t get all the data they need because the tech companies don’t give them access.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This has been a concern of mine since I first commissioned a handbook about harmful online content – </span><a href=\"https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000265552\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Journalism, Fake News & Disinformation: Handbook for Journalism Education and Training</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> – six years ago. My experience since then includes overseeing a major UN study called </span><a href=\"https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000379015\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Balancing Act: Countering Digital Disinformation While Respecting Freedom of Expression</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Over the years, I’ve learnt that to dig into online disinformation, you need to get right inside the social media engines. Without comprehensive access to the data they hold, you’re left in relative darkness about the workings of manipulators, the role of misled punters and the fuel provided by mysterious corporate algorithms.</span>\r\n<h4><b>Monitoring</b></h4>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Looking at social media in the South African elections, the researchers at the workshop described how they were doing their best with what limited data they had. They were all monitoring text on social platforms. Some were monitoring audio, while a few were looking at “synthetic content” such as material produced with generative AI.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">About half of 10 initiatives were tracking followers, impressions and engagement. Nearly all were checking content on Twitter; at least four were monitoring Facebook; three covered YouTube; and two included TikTok.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">WhatsApp was getting scant attention. Though most messaging on the service is encrypted, the company knows (but doesn’t disclose) which registered user is bulk-sending content to which others, who forwards this, whether group admins are active, and a host of other “metadata” details that could help monitors to track dangerous trajectories.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the researchers can’t do the necessary deep data dives. They’ve set out the difficult data conditions they work under in a public statement explaining how they are </span><a href=\"https://researchictafrica.net/2024/05/20/statement-call-for-data-access-for-researchers-studying-the-south-african-elections/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">severely constrained</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in their access to data.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One data source they use is expensive (and limited) packages from marketing brokers (who in turn have bought data assets wholesale from the platforms).</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A second source is from analysing published posts online (which excludes in-group and WhatsApp communications). Using scraped data is limited and labour-intensive. Findings are superficial. And it’s risky: scraping is forbidden in most platforms’ terms of use.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">None of the researchers covering South Africa’s elections has direct access to the platforms’ own application programming interfaces (APIs). These gateways provide a direct pipeline into the computer servers hosting data.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This major resource is what companies use to profile users, amplify content, target ads and automate content moderation. It’s an essential input for monitoring online electoral harms.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the EU, the </span><a href=\"https://digital-strategy.ec.europa.eu/en/policies/digital-services-act-package\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Digital Services Act</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> enables vetted researchers legally to demand and receive free, and potentially wide-ranging, API access to search for “systemic risks” on the platforms.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It’s also more open in the US. There, Meta, the multinational technology giant that owns and operates Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, </span><a href=\"https://research.facebook.com/2020-election-research/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">cherrypicked</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 16 researchers in the 2020 elections (of which </span><a href=\"https://www.techpolicy.press/a-primer-on-the-meta-2020-us-election-research-studies/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">only five projects</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> have published their findings).</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The company has subsequently outsourced the judging of Facebook and Instagram access requests (from anywhere worldwide) to the </span><a href=\"https://transparency.meta.com/en-gb/researchtools/meta-content-library/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">University of Michigan</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One of the South African researchers tried that channel, without success.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other platforms such as TikTok are still making unilateral decisions, even in the US, as to who has data access.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Outside the EU and the US, it’s hard even to get a dialogue going with the platforms.</span>\r\n<h4><b>The fightback</b></h4>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Last November, I invited the bigger tech players to join a workshop in Cape Town on data access and elections in Africa. There was effectively </span><a href=\"https://researchictafrica.net/2023/12/18/statement-content-platforms-urged-to-share-data-with-african-elections-researchersstatement/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">no response</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The same pattern was evident in an initiative earlier this year by the South African National Editors’ Forum. The forum suggested a dialogue about a human rights impact assessment of online risks to the South African elections. It was </span><a href=\"https://sanef.org.za/sanef-is-disappointed-at-being-ghosted-by-some-big-tech-companies-and-parliament/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ignored</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Against this background, two South African NGOs – the Legal Resources Centre and the Campaign for Free Expression – are using South Africa’s expansive </span><a href=\"https://www.gov.za/documents/promotion-access-information-act\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Promotion of Access to Information Act</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to compel platforms to disclose their election plans.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the companies have refused to respond, claiming that they do not fall under South African jurisdiction. This has led to </span><a href=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2024-05-22-social-media-giants-silent-on-how-they-will-deal-with-threats-to-election-integrity/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">appeals being launched</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to the country’s Information Regulator to compel disclosures.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Further momentum for change may also come from Unesco, which is </span><a href=\"https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000387339\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">promoting</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> international Guidelines for the Governance of Digital Platforms. These highlight transparency and the issue of research access. Unesco has also </span><a href=\"https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000387896\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">published</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> a report that I researched titled Data Sharing to Foster Information as a Public Good.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the works is an incipient </span><a href=\"https://researchictafrica.net/wp/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Towards_African_Alliance_Data_Access-December2023.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">African Alliance for Access to Data</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, now involving five pan-African formations. This coalition (I’m interim convenor) is engaging the African Union on the issues.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But there’s no guarantee yet that all this will lead the platforms to open up data to Africans and researchers in the Global South. </span><b>DM</b>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">First published by </span></i><a href=\"https://theconversation.com/hate-speech-and-disinformation-in-south-africas-elections-big-tech-make-it-tough-to-monitor-social-media-230945\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Conversation</span></i></a><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span></i>\r\n\r\n<i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Guy Berger is professor emeritus at Rhodes University.</span></i>\r\n\r\n<img loading=\"lazy\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-2210575\" src=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/DM-01062024001.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"720\" height=\"947\" />\r\n\r\n<iframe style=\"border: none !important;\" src=\"https://counter.theconversation.com/content/230945/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-advanced\" width=\"1\" height=\"1\" data-mce-fragment=\"1\"></iframe>",
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