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Lest we forget, we also fought for freedom from corrupt politicians

Chris Jones
By Chris Jones
23 Apr 2025
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To combat corruption effectively — and so that South Africans can truly taste the fruits of freedom — those in power must demonstrate integrity, responsibility and transparency, and the government must act in a way that fosters public trust.

Freedom Day in South Africa commemorates the first post-apartheid elections on 27 April 1994, marking the dawn of democracy in the country.

In 1994, most South Africans shared a common desire to see the country succeed and fulfil its diverse potential. So many of us were excited about the new democracy and the freedoms it brought. We were ready to make a constructive contribution.

Sadly, our country has deteriorated over the past 15 years or more. Unprecedented damage on various levels has left many South Africans still longing to experience the real benefits of freedom.

We have poor service delivery and unbridled corruption, to name just two. Much of this harm can be linked to a lack of moral leadership, moral insight and moral judgement. Without these, politicians only pay lip service to the realisation of hard-won freedoms.

In a recent article commemorating Human Rights Day, I referred to former President Thabo Mbeki’s denialist HIV/Aids policy that violated many South Africans’ right to access basic healthcare — a right that is guaranteed in our Constitution. I argued that Mbeki’s denialism directly led to our country’s current high HIV infection rate and cost many lives.

I also reasoned that Mbeki is guilty of serious negligence and of ignoring the health rights of many. He should contemplate his moral guilt and apologise to South Africans for not acting in accordance with the Bill of Rights. He is accountable because, as an intellectual, he should have known better.

Of course, there were also positives during Mbeki’s time as president, especially regarding the economy and placing Africa high on the global agenda. Who will forget his famous I am an African speech in 1996?

Moral leadership


In 2014, I wrote the following on Netwerk24, aimed at former president Jacob Zuma: “This is what a moral leader looks like, Mr President”. I made a similar argument in a piece for The Conversation in 2017.

In both these articles, I indicated what moral leadership is and emphasised the need for role models in this regard. It is about leading by example, prosperity for all, justice, trust and expertise, among other things. Considering this, the moral shortcomings of former President Zuma became clearly apparent. State Capture is a very good example of corruption and, consequently, immoral behaviour.

If one considers moral leadership, moral insight and judgement, Cyril Ramaphosa inevitably comes to mind – especially in relation to the Phala Phala saga, which Corruption Watch has described as a classic example of corruption.

In June 2022, news broke that Ramaphosa was at the centre of a controversy after $580,000 was stolen from a sofa at his Phala Phala game farm, near Bela Bela in Limpopo. Former spy boss Arthur Fraser lodged a criminal complaint against Ramaphosa. Although he initially alleged that around $4-million of undeclared foreign currency had been stolen, subsequent reports indicated that it was $580,000.

This money was paid by the Sudanese businessman, Hazim Mustafa, for buffalo that had been purchased. Evidence, however, shows that the sale was not completed, not even intended. This raised the question: what was the money really for?

On 30 November 2022, the Speaker of Parliament received the report of a panel — consisting of three esteemed jurists — appointed by the National Assembly, accusing Ramaphosa of “serious misconduct”. They found that there was a prima facie case against him. Unsurprisingly, he denied any wrongdoing.

Ironically, the National Assembly voted against the implementation of the panel’s findings. Prior to this vote, Ramaphosa applied to the Constitutional Court to have the report declared unlawful and invalid.

At the time, this parliamentary decision prevented any process that could potentially have led to Ramaphosa being indicted, despite all the signs of wrongdoing. The Constitution contains nearly 40 provisions that give the legislature authority and the obligation to hold the executive accountable.

Opposition parties also accused the South African Reserve Bank of a claptrap report and systemic cover-up. The Democratic Alliance asked the Reserve Bank and SARS to investigate the Phala Phala saga to determine whether an illicit flow of funds and money laundering were involved.

In the meantime, the Minister of Police, Senzo Mchunu, has announced that the Independent Police Investigative Directorate’s final Phala Phala report has been classified as “top secret”.

For me, the real violation is the fact that the president, who helped formulate our progressive Constitution, used state-paid personnel to handle a private matter on his behalf. A case should have been opened at the nearest police station when he became aware of the burglary on his farm. Instead, he decided to use state resources — resources that are meant to protect him as president, not his private dealings.

What does this say about his moral insight and judgement? Doesn’t this straddle the intersection between public and private-sector corruption? How is this different from a traffic officer or a school principal using a government vehicle for private purposes?

Selective accountability


In a country virtually permeated by corruption and immoral behaviour, we cannot allow a political elite to selectively apply accountability and thereby justify wrongdoing. This is not what South Africans signed up for in April 1994. We fought for many freedoms, including freedom from corrupt politicians who lack moral leadership and judgement.

To combat corruption effectively — and so that South Africans can truly taste the fruits of freedom — those in power must demonstrate integrity, responsibility and transparency, and the government must act in a way that fosters public trust.

Fortunately, not all is doom and gloom. We are much better off than we were before 1994. For example, access to household piped water and electricity increased; millions of people were lifted out of dire poverty; laws have been introduced and programmes undertaken to enable black people and women to advance in the workplace; and we have made progress regarding inclusivity, diversity, equality, solidarity, non-racialism and non-sexism.

On Freedom Day, we can treasure the fact that when leaders fall — even the so-called untouchables — and governments are replaced, our hard-won democracy and Constitution will remain. Of course, only if we keep fighting for them.

This is an ongoing battle for the soul of our nation, which is largely in our hands. DM

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