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"contents": "<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alongside dire humanitarian costs, the absence of peace in Africa disrupts economic activities through multiple channels, and its effects are large and persistent. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) implementers need to understand these different channels to better prioritise what can be done to minimise the impacts of conflict.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Is Africa suited to a continental free trade area?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Those who live in Africa — and some who live outside it — have asked this question again and again in their search for solutions to the plethora of problems facing the continent today. The question can also be put this way: Is the continental free trade area system suited to Africa?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The two questions are not the same.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let us take the first one: </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Is Africa suited to a continental free trade area?</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The assumption here seems to be that Africa should be configured to fit into the free trade system. The question seems to preclude any consideration that Africa is more important than a free trade system: the primary interest seems to be in the system and not in Africa.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now the second question: </span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Is the continental free trade area suited to Africa?</span></i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The assumption is that Africa is more important than the free trade system. The question presupposes that the system can be appropriated to serve Africa, not Africa to serve it. Is Africa to be the servant of this system? Or is the system to be the servant of Africa?</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The answers to these questions can help us comprehensively pinpoint the growth traps and opportunities that surround the AfCFTA. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The answer to both questions is “yes”, but Africa should be the servant first.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">First, we must understand that AfCFTA has certain incentives it needs to be attainable, which are political, social and economic in nature. Second, we must understand that Africa as a continent has a responsibility to provide the incentives needed.</span>\r\n<h4><b>Conflict and trade</b></h4>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Critical studies show there is compelling evidence that Africa has not yet modelled itself to suit the conditions that make AfCFTA flourish. The recurrence of conflict takes centre stage in inhibiting AfCFTA’s growth prospects.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sub-Saharan Africa has been marred by conflict in past decades, though their intensity, nature and geographic distribution have varied over time. The latest significant cases of conflicts in Africa include the </span><a href=\"https://www.imvf.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/imvf-policy-paper-9-2021-cabo-delgado-insurgents-jihadists-or-terrorists.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cabo Delgado insurgency</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in Mozambique in which </span><a href=\"https://www.caboligado.com/reports/cabo-ligado-weekly-5-11-july-2021\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">more than 3,000 people have been killed</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">According to studies by the </span><a href=\"https://www.cmi.no/projects/2615-cabo-delgado-conflict-resilience-and-reconstruction#:~:text=Egna%20Rachel%20Sidumo&text=The%20onset%20of%20terrorist%20attacks,a%20challenge%20to%20humanitarian%20aid\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Chr. Michelsen Development and Research Institute</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, the insurgency has led to the destruction of economic activities and public services, killing thousands, unleashing hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people and posing a challenge to humanitarian aid.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Terrorist activity is viewed as a risk to international investment, with concerns raised about the kidnapping of foreign workers. </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The rise of terrorism in Cabo Delgado attracts protectionist policies from nearby countries, for instance, Tanzania, which is is afraid of potential spillover effects, hence discouraging the opening of borders under the AfCFTA.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Further, Africa has witnessed several </span><a href=\"https://fragilestatesindex.org/2022/07/08/breaking-the-cycle-military-coups-in-west-africa/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">coup d’etats</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the past two years, especially in the western region. These include coups in Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Mali, Sudan, Guinea and Chad. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Racial and ethnic rifts, fragile security and unstable political structures have been providing a conducive environment for military coups in West and Central African countries over the years. Coup d’etats create economic and policy unpredictability, attract sanctions and usually slow trade processes — and they </span><a href=\"https://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2812&context=utk_chanhonoproj\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">tend to decrease the international and regional trade growth rate</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.</span>\r\n<h4><b>Xenophobia</b></h4>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Xenophobic attacks have also found a home in Africa as witnessed in South Africa on more than one occasion. While several foreign nationals have so far either lost their lives or been left injured, one of the more recent fatalities was that of </span><a href=\"https://mg.co.za/africa/2022-04-22-mourners-at-elvis-nyathis-memorial-vent-anger-at-zimbabwe-ambassador-service/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Elvis Nyati</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, 43, a Zimbabwean who was killed by the </span><a href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Dudula\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Operation Dudula</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> mob in Diepsloot on 6 April 2022.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Xenophobic attacks on foreign nationals, or on any group of people, have serious economic and trade implications. For instance, the violence can deter international investors and foreign trading partners. It can also lead to retaliation from other major economies, for example, in 2019, </span><a href=\"https://www.cirdjournal.com/index.php/ppiaaj/article/download/664/618\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">South African-owned businesses operating in Nigeria were targeted</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in retaliation for xenophobic attacks on Nigerians working in South Africa.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Besides, xenophobic attacks adversely affect the ease of doing business in any country, and unless they are avoided, it may be difficult for intra-African trade under AfCFTA to thrive.</span>\r\n\r\n<b>Visit </b><a href=\"https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/?utm_source=direct&utm_medium=in_article_link&utm_campaign=homepage\"><b><i>Daily Maverick’s</i></b><b> home page</b></a><b> for more news, analysis and investigations</b>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In addition, Democratic Republic of the Congo remains the hotspot of both interstate and intrastate conflicts. The resource-rich central African country continues to suffer from perennial friction with its neighbours, namely Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These conflicts are mainly being precipitated by rebel groups from within DRC and the abovementioned states, and they include </span><a href=\"https://riftvalley.net/publication/national-army-and-armed-groups-eastern-congo\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">rebel groups</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> such as the </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">and </span><a href=\"https://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/enough-101-what-m23-movement-eastern-congo\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">M23</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Between May and August 2022, the Congolese army — with a coalition of Congolese militia as well as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda — fought against Rwandan-backed M23 rebels in </span><a href=\"https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/51d3d5f04.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">North Kivu province</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Studies undertaken by the </span><a href=\"https://www.fpri.org/article/2022/09/conflict-in-eastern-congo-a-spark-away-from-a-regional-conflagration/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Foreign Policy Research Institute</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> reveal that the conflict in the DRC is a result of </span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">geopolitics, ethnic and national rivalries and competition over the country’s abundant natural resources. Military conflicts of this nature are often accompanied by the </span><a href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/economic-research/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/wp05-11bk.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">imposition of partial or total trade embargoes on the exchange of goods</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Such conflicts usually reduce trade flows by raising the costs of engaging in regional and international business.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In light of the above, it is difficult to imagine the successful implementation of the AfCFTA without first achieving peace on the continent. </span>\r\n<h4><b>Peace and security mechanisms</b></h4>\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">More should be done to scale up the efforts of the African Union and its various </span><a href=\"https://au.int/en/conflict-resolution-peace-security\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">conflict resolution, peace and security mechanisms</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> towards attaining a peaceful and secure environment where the AfCFTA is more likely to flourish. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the </span><a href=\"https://au.int/agenda2063/flagship-projects\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Agenda 2063 flagship initiative of “silencing the guns by 2020</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">” suggests that the AU is alive to the integral role peace and security play in attaining the aspirations of the agenda, failure to meet the target suggests a lack of adequate political will on the part of the leadership. Perhaps it is time this gap be bridged, given the enormous potential locked in the AfCFTA. </span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The AfCFTA is one of 15 flagship programmes of the </span><a href=\"https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/33126-doc-framework_document_book.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">African Union’s Agenda 2063</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, whose vision is to create an Africa that is integrated, peaceful and prosperous by 2063.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">T</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">he agreement seeks to bolster intra-African trade by eliminating and reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers that have long been undermining trade between African countries.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The </span><a href=\"https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/trade/publication/free-trade-deal-boosts-africa-economic-development\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">World Bank</span></a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> points out that t</span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">he AfCFTA promises broader and deeper economic integration and would attract investment, boost trade, provide better jobs, reduce poverty and increase shared prosperity in Africa.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sublime as the goals and objectives of the AfCFTA may be, it is inconceivable how they will be attained in a conflict-ridden environment characterised by perennial coups, terrorist attacks, inter- and intrastate conflicts and xenophobic attacks.</span>\r\n\r\n<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The AU and the AfCFTA Secretariat must come to a full realisation that they must first seek peace, and all other things they seek thereafter shall be added to them. </span><b>DM/MC</b>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/david-anodiwanashe-chikwaza-7654a513b/\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">David Chikwaza</span></i></a><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> is an international development expert and practitioner. He is a </span></i><a href=\"https://www.dcu.ie/historygeography/phd-students\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Dublin City University PhD Candidate</span></i></a><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> specialising in the decolonisation of climate change adaptation. </span></i>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/tanatsiwa-dambuza/\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tanatsiwa Dambuza</span></i></a><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> is an AfCFTA emerging expert and researcher with a special interest in climate change, 4IR, and women informal cross-border traders. He recently graduated with an MSc in International Trade and Diplomacy.</span></i>",
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